Women without a voice: A commentary

One of the central goals of Gender, Work & Organization (GWO) has been to publish studies addressing contemporary issues such as gender inequalities, gender pay gap, flexible work, career trajectories, women on corporate boards, access to leadership positions, as well as more critical accounts of gender order, gender regimes, otherness that are omnipresent in contemporary organizations. Historically, much of this research has focused on populations in industrialized nations, predominantly involving white-collar workers in formal economic sectors. However, similar issues are also pertinent to women in emerging markets and developing countries who are employed in blue-collar, nonmanagerial, low-paid, and low-skilled occupations, often within informal economies. Despite their relevance, these populations have received limited attention in empirical studies published by GWO. In this commentary, I aim to highlight the experiences of these women—whose labor is essential to their societies and the socio-economic well-being of their home countries, yet is often marked by labor rights abuses, exploitation, gender-based violence, racism, and xenophobia. Their voices are rarely heard in academic discussions on gender, work, and organization studies. As an associate editor of GWO, I urge gender researchers to include these women in their research, and I encourage scholars from other disciplines to engage in transdisciplinary projects that amplify the voices of women traditionally marginalized in academic gender discourses.

In 2014, I relocated to Panama to assist my school in France in establishing connections with business schools across Latin America. During my time in Panama and other Latin American countries, I was struck by the prevalence of domestic workers in private households, providing care services such as cleaning, cooking, and caring for children or elderly family members. The majority of these domestic workers were women. The dominance of women in the caregiving sector is not unique to Latin America. In 2021, of the 75.6 million domestic workers worldwide, 76.2% were women (International Labor Organization, 2024). In specific sectors such as childcare, women's participation rates exceed 90% (International Labor Organization, 2023).

Despite their critical role in providing essential services and contributing to the economy, particularly in developing countries, women domestic workers often lack access to basic rights and protections (Gröschl, 2021). Approximately 40% of national labor laws worldwide do not provide protections for domestic workers (UN United Nations Women, 2024). For the 46 million women globally who are informally employed as domestic workers (ILO, 2024), fundamental workers' rights—including decent working conditions, labor organization, access to employment benefits, and legal protection—are either nonexistent or severely limited (International Institute for Environment and Development, 2016). The situation is similar for the 740 million informally employed women working in sectors such as production, manufacturing, farming, trade, and craft (Gröschl, 2021). These women's share of total employment is highest in developing regions such as Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia and in countries experiencing economic crises, structural adjustments, or transitions (Chen, 2012; ILO, 2018). The absence of social protection renders women domestic workers and other informally employed women vulnerable to abuse and harassment (Gallaway & Bernasek, 2002), often resulting in their marginalization within informal economies and societies (Gröschl, 2021). Working conditions that are often poor and without adequate health protection can lead to chronic health issues, further reducing economic potential of women domestic workers and other informally employed women. The stress of economic insecurity, coupled with gender-based abuse and harassment can have severe impacts on women's mental health (Guerra et al., 2022; Malhotra et al., 2013).

The lack of socioeconomic protection and employment rights for women domestic workers and other informally employed women is often caused by gendered power relations rooted in societal norms, economic structures, and cultural practices that disadvantage women compared to men (Pratto & Walker, 2004). One of the most pervasive gendered power relations influencing women in informal economies and low-skilled jobs is the reinforcement of traditional gender roles (Banerjee, 2018; Banerjee and Wilks, 2022). Societal expectations often confine women to roles deemed appropriate for their gender, such as the above-mentioned caregiving, domestic work, or low-wage service jobs—or as Halford and Leonard (2001) observed ‘there is “women's work” (where the benefits are lower), and “men's work” (where they are higher’ (p. 2). This ‘women's work’ is often not only undervalued and underpaid but also limits access for women domestic workers and other informally employed women to higher-paying opportunities typically dominated by men (Elgin & Elveren, 2021). This gender based occupational segregation ensures that women remain concentrated in low-skilled and low-income positions, further entrenching their economic vulnerability (Castellano & Rocca, 2020).

Wage inequality is another critical manifestation of gendered power relations. In their editorial introduction to GWO's special issue on gender pay gaps, Milner et al. (2019, p. 593) stated that ‘in virtually all countries, women's pay lags behind that of men, despite progress over the last 40 years or so in establishing the legal principle of equal pay for work of equal value.” This disparity is exacerbated in informal sectors, where the lack of regulation, legal principles, and labor rights enforcement allows wage gaps to persist unchallenged (Williams & Gashi, 2022). The economic marginalization of women through lower wages contributes to their dependence on male relatives or partners, reinforcing traditional power imbalances and patriarchal structures within households and communities (see Netto et al., 2020). Moreover, women in informal economies often face significant barriers to accessing resources and networks that are vital for economic success. Financial services, such as credit and loans, are frequently less accessible to women due to discriminatory practices that favor men (De Andrés et al., 2021; Morsy, 2020). Additionally, men-dominated business networks and patronage systems can exclude women from valuable career opportunities, further limiting their ability to advance economically. This exclusion from resources and networks perpetuates a cycle of poverty and dependence, making it difficult for women to break out of low-skilled “women” jobs and informal economies (see Adisa et al., 2021).

The “double burden” of work also plays a significant role in shaping women's experiences in informal economies—as highlighted by Parizeau's (2023) study of women informal recycling workers in Argentina and the double burden of labor that they bear. Women are often expected to balance paid work with unpaid domestic responsibilities, such as childcare and household chores. Globally, women spend about three times as many hours in unpaid domestic and care work as men (United Nations, 2024). The combination of low-paying jobs and unpaid care work limits their time and energy for economic activities outside the home, leaves them with little time for skill development needed to increase their chances for upward mobility or career advancement, and thus reinforces traditional gender roles.

Despite the exploitative conditions they endure, their significant economic contributions, and their indispensable societal roles, the voices of women domestic workers and other informally employed women remain largely unheard in academic journals. Within GWO, where gender and gender relations in organizations are central themes, studies focusing on women in elementary occupations, low-skilled jobs, and informal economic settings are rare. Ham and Ceradoy (2022) examined the dehumanization in domestic work based on the experiences of Filipina and Indonesian domestic workers confirming the exploitative conditions workers often have to endure in private households. Several other recent studies have explored how the COVID-19 crisis affected domestic workers in countries such as India and Mexico (Banerjee and Wilks; Teixeira, 2024). They highlight 'precarious continuities' in paid domestic work whereby paid domestic labor continues to be considered as unskilled and low-status “women's work,” and illustrate ‘an exacerbation of structural marginalization around gender and work issues’ (Banerjee & Wilks, 2024, p. 1519). Studies published by GWO about women in informal economies also explore how COVID-19 or climate change-related extreme crises affect their economic activities and livelihoods (Arora & Majumder, 2021; Datey et al., 2021). In many cases they ‘unearth how socio-economic inequities rooted in caste, class and occupational entities magnify the vulnerabilities’ experienced by women in informal economies during such crises (Singh & Kaur, 2021, p. 388). Studies from South East Asia and East Africa have explored policy changes and opportunities to empower women in the informal sector (Baruah, 2004; Masika, 2017).

Yet, given the highly gendered and rapidly expanding sectors such as domestic and care work, researchers could explore in more depth the power dynamics that systematically disadvantage women relative to men in these sectors, and further examine gender-transformative care policies that can adequately address the demand for domestic workers. With this commentary, I encourage scholars focusing on gender equality to investigate the factors that encourage gradual changes in their social and economic conditions, and enable women to overcome barriers that restrict their participation in the formal sector and marginalize them within the informal sector. GWO is actively seeking contributions from economic feminists who are willing to extend their gender-inclusive economic inquiries to informal economic contexts and organizational settings. A more comprehensive understanding of women's roles in informal economies is crucial for policymakers and nongovernmental organizations operating in communities driven by informal economic activities. Studies of women entrepreneurs in informal economies, including their financial resourcing, organizational structures, and socioeconomic and environmental impacts, are essential for evaluating the contributions of informal economic activities to social equity, economic efficiency, and welfare, despite the complexities involved.

Research on domestic workers is closely connected to another growing gendered phenomenon: women migrant workers (Nassif, 2024). Currently, women constitute 42% of the estimated 164 million migrant workers globally (UN United Nations Women, 2024). In regions such as the East and Horn of Africa (EHoA), more women than ever are leaving their home countries to seek employment abroad (International Organization for Migration, 2022). Among the 4.7 million migrant workers in the EHoA region, approximately 50% are women (IOM, 2023). These women migrate to escape political conflicts, poverty, climate disasters, gender inequalities, and lack of access to education, livelihoods, and resources (UN United Nations Women, 2024). They often find employment as domestic workers, nurses, and teachers in their host countries (IOM, 2023). Many women migrant workers become significant financial, humanitarian, social, and development contributors to their countries of origin (Hassan, 2016). Through financial and nonfinancial remittances such as intellectual capital, social capital, advocacy, political capital, and voluntarism, diaspora women support both their families and community development in their homelands (Nyambura et al., 2020). However, in their countries of destination, many women migrant workers face informal, unsafe working environments and limited gender-responsive migration policies, exposing them to labor rights abuses, restricted freedom of movement, sexual and gender-based violence, racism, and xenophobia (UN United Nations Women, 2024). Undocumented women migrants and those indebted to smugglers or human traffickers under exploitative "pay as you go" arrangements are particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse, economic exploitation, and forced labor (UN United Nations Women, 2024).

Despite the significant risks and challenges women migrant workers face, and the successes they achieve, their experiences are seldom the focus of academic publications in gender and workplace studies. Although their contributions through financial remittances are well documented in fields such as international migration, the developmental and socioeconomic activities of diaspora women in their homelands remain underexplored (IOM, 2022). GWO has published studies about women migrant workers from an intersectional perspective (Barthold et al., 2022; Rodriguez & Scurry, 2019; Sang et al., 2013); scholarly works about the lived experiences of women migrant workers during the pandemic and their narratives of gendered inequality (Arora & Majumder, 2021); and several studies about highly skilled migrant women in academia, business, and other sectors of the economy, and their experiences of being discriminated against despite their qualifications (Bolzani, 2021; Essers & Tedmanson, 2014; Kačkutė, 2024; Sang & Calvard, 2019).

I invite gender scholars to further explore the careers of diaspora businesswomen and women entrepreneurs in their host countries, gender disparities in employment and entrepreneurship within diaspora communities, and the differences in career trajectories compared to local women entrepreneurs. I encourage transdisciplinary studies such that combine migration, entrepreneurship, and gender related aspects (e.g., Vershinina et al., 2019). Researchers could also explore more the intersection of gender, race, ethnicity, and religion in shaping the identities of diaspora women, and how generational differences in identity formation influence their careers and career choices. Additionally, scholarly work could investigate how women migrant workers with irregular migration status cope with the traumatic experiences of their journeys and how forced labor impacts their mental and physical health.¹ Future research should also assess the effectiveness of international and national laws in protecting migrant women from forced labor, identify socioeconomic factors that increase vulnerability to forced labor, and examine the impact of forced labor on the social integration of migrant women in host countries.

Many of the aforementioned feminized occupations are often categorized as elementary and low-skilled jobs within the secondary, unstructured labor market, which devalues women's contributions and diminishes their appeal as subjects of gender research. However, due to the increasing complexity of tasks and greater autonomy in these professions, the proportion of women in low-skilled roles who possess at least a medium level of qualification, such as vocational training, has been steadily rising (Kaboth et al., 2023). Moreover, several nonmanagerial, non-white-collar, highly feminized professions and crafts—such as nursing, cooking, and hairdressing—have historically been highly skilled occupations. Despite significant gender issues within these professions, including power imbalances, professional hierarchies, and the undervaluation of skills, gender researchers have shown limited interest in exploring these dynamics. For instance, although numerous studies in GWO have examined the underrepresentation of women in top executive roles, there has been little empirical research on why leading female hair stylists and Michelin-starred female chefs are exceptions in their fields (Crowe Pettersson, 2024). The professional dynamics in these sectors, such as the hierarchy within nursing or the distinction between professional chefs and home cooks, may require complex, nuanced research approaches that are not as easily applied as in male-dominated fields.

I encourage gender researchers to expand their focus from women's participation in male-dominated sectors like engineering, finance, or technology to historically undervalued, highly feminized nonmanagerial and craft-oriented professions. At the same time, I advocate for more transdisciplinary research, inviting sociologists, anthropologists, and labor studies scholars to collaborate with GWO and its scholarly community. This would foster a more inclusive and comprehensive understanding of historically marginalized and undervalued women without a voice in work and organizational contexts.

I have no conflicts of interest to disclose.