对斯塔姆等人的评论:阿片类药物效力对总过量风险的实质性和动态贡献。

IF 5.3 1区 医学 Q1 PSYCHIATRY
Addiction Pub Date : 2024-12-17 DOI:10.1111/add.16742
Phillip O. Coffin
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Using Norman Zinberg's construct of drug, set and setting, we can identify diverse potential factors (Figure 1) [<span>2</span>]. Addressing these in reverse order, ‘setting’ refers to the environment within which opioid use occurs. The illegal status of street opioids creates an unregulated market that is notoriously unstable, stigmatized [<span>3</span>], under constant pressure from law enforcement [<span>4</span>] and associated with other socio-economic pressures such as poverty, housing crises and structural racism. Issues as simple as using opioids in an unfamiliar place may lower one's tolerance to the drug [<span>5</span>], and interventions to improve on environmental factors include better access to naloxone, MOUD and safe consumption spaces [<span>6</span>]. ‘Set’, or one's internal conditions, is most often thought of as opioid tolerance [<span>7</span>]. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

仅仅30年前,阿片类药物过量被认为是使用阿片类药物不可避免的后果。吸毒者、服务提供者和调查人员利用生活经验和研究结果来消除这种宿命论的误解,并创造了一个预防过量的领域,现在已成为许多国家应对药物使用的一个主要组成部分。提供纳洛酮、阿片类药物使用障碍(mod)药物和安全消费空间是这一领域的典型干预措施。然而,我们衡量这些干预措施影响的能力仍处于初级阶段。Stam等人通过在受监督的注射设施中每天检查过量率,为这一演变做出了重大贡献。造成阿片类药物过量和过量死亡率的因素有很多。利用诺曼·津伯格的药物、设置和设定的结构,我们可以识别出不同的潜在因素(图1)。以相反的顺序来解决这些问题,“环境”是指发生阿片类药物使用的环境。街头阿片类药物的非法地位造成了一个不受管制的市场,这个市场非常不稳定,受到污名化,不断受到执法部门的压力,并与贫困、住房危机和结构性种族主义等其他社会经济压力有关。像在不熟悉的地方使用阿片类药物这样简单的问题可能会降低一个人对药物的耐受性,改善环境因素的干预措施包括更好地获得纳洛酮、mod和安全的消费空间。“Set”,或一个人的内部条件,通常被认为是阿片类药物耐受性。近期的戒断长期以来与阿片类药物过量有关,使用mod维持对阿片类药物的耐受性是我们最有效的预防干预措施之一。来自麻醉学研究的数据也表明,基因对阿片类药物过量风险[8]有明显的影响,而心血管和肺部疾病等合并症也在一定程度上增加了风险[8]。自杀被认为是一系列行为,从疏忽到有计划的自残,是造成约15%至20%阿片类药物过量事件的一个因素。心理健康障碍和个人创伤也会造成bbb。导致过量的“药物”因素包括多种药物,镇静物质通过否定阿片类药物耐受性的保护而增加阿片类药物过量的风险。给药途径也是相关的,因为注射海洛因的过量率比吸食或吸食高4倍,导致一些减少危害的项目鼓励从注射过渡到吸烟。虽然这种转变似乎对使用芬太尼的人的保护作用较弱,但新出现的数据表明,当芬太尼完全吸烟而不是注射时,过量风险降低了约15%。有监督的注射点以前已经确定,海洛因过量的风险大约是处方阿片类药物的两倍,芬太尼的风险大约是海洛因的四倍。此外,Darke等人很久以前就确定,海洛因的效价和效价变化与过量风险有一定的关系。Stam等人的[1]数据表明,效力的实际贡献可能要大得多,在更多的人过量服用的日子里,一个人的过量风险差异高达10倍,可能代表阿片类药物更有效或效力发生实质性变化的日子。没有其他因素对过量用药风险有如此大的影响。然而,最值得注意的是,这一估计来自一个没有大量芬太尼在街头销售的地区。在整个北美,随着芬太尼取代海洛因成为主要的街头阿片类药物,阿片类药物过量死亡率持续增加4至5倍。纳洛酮降低阿片类药物过量死亡率的有效性模型对芬太尼使用的流行程度高度敏感;覆盖几乎所有使用阿片类药物的人的纳洛酮规划预计将使海洛因和芬太尼过量死亡率分别降低26%和12%。鉴于芬太尼取代其他阿片类药物的地方死亡率普遍上升,这种对循证干预措施的反应减弱可能会延伸到mod、安全消费空间和其他过量预防策略。相对于海洛因,芬太尼的效力和效力的可变性是如此极端,以至于它可能会压倒其他风险因素,使现有的预防干预措施产生有意义影响的空间更小。我们影响和预测阿片类药物过量模式的能力仍然有限。Stam等人提醒我们,街头阿片类药物市场对这一悲剧性结果的影响,以及不要承诺超出公共卫生所能提供的范围的重要性。 效价和可变效价对过量风险的比例影响可能不是静态的,而是动态的,取决于可用的阿片类药物。为了提高我们预测药物过量模式的能力,更好地估计预防干预措施的影响,我们需要进行更多的研究,并开创药物过量数学模型的新时代。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。

Commentary on Stam et al.: The substantial and dynamic contribution of opioid potency to total overdose risk

Commentary on Stam et al.: The substantial and dynamic contribution of opioid potency to total overdose risk

A mere 30 years ago, opioid overdose was considered an inevitable consequence of opioid use. People who use drugs, service providers and investigators leveraged lived experience and research findings to serve the lie to this fatalistic misconception and create a field of overdose prevention that is now a major component of how many countries respond to substance use. Naloxone provision, medications for opioid use disorder (MOUD) and safe consumption spaces are prototypical interventions in this domain. However, our ability to measure the impacts of these interventions remains nascent. Stam et al. [1] provide a significant contribution to that evolution by examining overdose rates by day at a supervised injecting facility.

There are multiple contributors to opioid overdose and overdose mortality rates. Using Norman Zinberg's construct of drug, set and setting, we can identify diverse potential factors (Figure 1) [2]. Addressing these in reverse order, ‘setting’ refers to the environment within which opioid use occurs. The illegal status of street opioids creates an unregulated market that is notoriously unstable, stigmatized [3], under constant pressure from law enforcement [4] and associated with other socio-economic pressures such as poverty, housing crises and structural racism. Issues as simple as using opioids in an unfamiliar place may lower one's tolerance to the drug [5], and interventions to improve on environmental factors include better access to naloxone, MOUD and safe consumption spaces [6]. ‘Set’, or one's internal conditions, is most often thought of as opioid tolerance [7]. Recent abstinence has long been associated with opioid overdose and maintaining a tolerance to opioids with MOUD is among our most effective prevention interventions. Data from anesthesiology research also demonstrate a clear genetic contribution to opioid overdose risk [8], and co-morbid health conditions such as cardiovascular and pulmonary disease contribute some amount to risk [9]. Suicidality, thought of as a spectrum of behavior from negligence to planned self-harm, is a factor with the latter contributing to approximately 15% to 20% of opioid overdose events [10]. Mental health disorders and personal trauma also contribute [2].

‘Drug’ factors contributing to overdose include polypharmacy, with sedating substances raising risk for opioid overdose by negating the protection of opioid tolerance [11]. Route of administration is also relevant, as injecting heroin is associated with a 4-fold higher rate of overdose than sniffing or smoking the drug [12], leading some harm reduction programs to encourage transitions from injecting to smoking. Although such a transition appears less protective for people using fentanyl, emerging data suggest an approximately 15% reduction in overdose risk when fentanyl is exclusively smoked instead of injected [13]. Supervised injection sites have previously established that heroin is approximately twice as risky as prescription opioids with regard to overdose and fentanyl is approximately four times as risky as heroin [14]. Moreover, Darke et al. [15] long ago determined that both potency and variations in potency of heroin were moderately associated with overdose risk. Stam et al.’s [1] data suggest that the actual contribution of potency may be much greater, with up to a 10-fold difference in one's overdose risk on days when more people are overdosing, presumably representing days when opioids are either more potent or undergoing substantial variation in potency. No other factor has been documented to have such influence on overdose risk.

Most notably, however, this estimate comes from a region without substantial fentanyl sold on the street. Throughout North America, opioid overdose mortality consistently increased by 4- to 5-fold as fentanyl replaced heroin as the dominant street opioid [16]. Models of the effectiveness of naloxone in reducing opioid overdose mortality are highly sensitive to the prevalence of fentanyl use; naloxone programming that reaches nearly all people using opioids would be expected to reduce heroin and fentanyl overdose mortality by 26% and 12%, respectively [16]. Given the universal increase in mortality rates wherever fentanyl comes to replace other opioids, this weakened response to evidence-based interventions likely extends to MOUD, safe consumption spaces and other overdose prevention strategies. The potency and variability in potency of fentanyl is so extreme, relative to heroin, that it may overwhelm other risk factors, leaving less room for extant prevention interventions to have a meaningful impact.

Our ability to influence and predict opioid overdose patterns remains limited. Stam et al. [1] remind us of the power the street opioid market has over this tragic outcome and the importance of not promising more than public health can deliver. The proportional impact of potency and variable potency on overdose risk is likely not static, but dynamic, depending on the available opioids. Additional research and a new era of mathematical modeling of overdose are needed to improve our ability to predict overdose patterns and better estimate the impact of prevention interventions.

None.

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来源期刊
Addiction
Addiction 医学-精神病学
CiteScore
10.80
自引率
6.70%
发文量
319
审稿时长
3 months
期刊介绍: Addiction publishes peer-reviewed research reports on pharmacological and behavioural addictions, bringing together research conducted within many different disciplines. Its goal is to serve international and interdisciplinary scientific and clinical communication, to strengthen links between science and policy, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. We seek submissions that are not only technically competent but are also original and contain information or ideas of fresh interest to our international readership. We seek to serve low- and middle-income (LAMI) countries as well as more economically developed countries. Addiction’s scope spans human experimental, epidemiological, social science, historical, clinical and policy research relating to addiction, primarily but not exclusively in the areas of psychoactive substance use and/or gambling. In addition to original research, the journal features editorials, commentaries, reviews, letters, and book reviews.
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