{"title":"竞争还是战略撤退?侦察打击的全球扩散","authors":"Michael C Horowitz, Joshua A Schwartz","doi":"10.1177/00223433241261566","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The reconnaissance strike complex is synonymous with modern military power, and prominent realist theories would have predicted rapid proliferation after its successful debut in the Gulf War. Instead, the complex has proliferated slowly. To explain this puzzle, we theorize that interstate security threats significantly impact proliferation, but not in the way traditionally presumed. Although the literature on weapons proliferation has largely assumed a monotonically increasing relationship should hold between the capabilities of a state’s adversaries and a state’s own capability, we draw from the economics literature and game theoretic insights from political science to argue that the relationship should resemble an inverted-U. When states have rivals with moderate reconnaissance strike capabilities, they have security incentives to compete with them. However, when states face highly advanced adversaries, it becomes more difficult to escape or match their competition, making symmetrical acquisition less appealing. While most prior research focuses on narrower aspects of the reconnaissance strike complex like missiles or smart bombs, we test our theory on a novel dataset tracking country-level acquisition of eight aspects of the complex from 1980 to 2017: Ballistic missiles; bombers; cruise missiles; fighter aircraft; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance assets; precision-guided munitions; satellites; and submarines. We find strong support for our inverted-U argument. States that have rivals with moderate reconnaissance strike capabilities have over double the reconnaissance strike capabilities themselves than states that have rivals with very low or very high capabilities. Our findings hold for broader measures of the complex that closely proxy a state’s general military capabilities, narrower measures of the complex, and alternative measures of general military sophistication, indicating our theory has broad applicability. This article explains why some states invest heavily in conventional capabilities despite an already-large lead over their adversaries, and why other states instead opt to invest in alternatives rather than balancing symmetrically.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4000,"publicationDate":"2024-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"To compete or strategically retreat? 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When states have rivals with moderate reconnaissance strike capabilities, they have security incentives to compete with them. However, when states face highly advanced adversaries, it becomes more difficult to escape or match their competition, making symmetrical acquisition less appealing. While most prior research focuses on narrower aspects of the reconnaissance strike complex like missiles or smart bombs, we test our theory on a novel dataset tracking country-level acquisition of eight aspects of the complex from 1980 to 2017: Ballistic missiles; bombers; cruise missiles; fighter aircraft; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance assets; precision-guided munitions; satellites; and submarines. We find strong support for our inverted-U argument. States that have rivals with moderate reconnaissance strike capabilities have over double the reconnaissance strike capabilities themselves than states that have rivals with very low or very high capabilities. Our findings hold for broader measures of the complex that closely proxy a state’s general military capabilities, narrower measures of the complex, and alternative measures of general military sophistication, indicating our theory has broad applicability. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
侦察打击综合体是现代军事力量的代名词,著名的现实主义理论曾预言,在海湾战争中成功亮相后,该综合体将迅速扩散。然而,该综合体的扩散速度却十分缓慢。为了解释这一谜团,我们从理论上认为,国家间的安全威胁对武器扩散产生了重大影响,但影响方式与传统推测不同。尽管有关武器扩散的文献大多假定国家对手的能力与国家自身的能力之间存在单调递增的关系,但我们借鉴经济学文献和政治学博弈论的观点,认为这种关系应类似于倒 "U "型。当国家的对手具备中等侦察打击能力时,国家就有与之竞争的安全动机。然而,当国家面对高度先进的对手时,就更难逃脱或与之匹敌,从而降低了对称获取的吸引力。之前的研究大多集中于侦察打击综合体的狭义方面,如导弹或智能炸弹,而我们则在一个新的数据集上检验了我们的理论,该数据集追踪了从1980年到2017年国家层面对综合体八个方面的获取情况:弹道导弹;轰炸机;巡航导弹;战斗机;情报、监视和侦察资产;精确制导弹药;卫星和潜艇。我们发现,我们的倒 U 型论点得到了强有力的支持。与拥有中等侦察打击能力的对手相比,拥有极低或极高侦察打击能力的对手所拥有的侦察打击能力要高出一倍以上。我们的研究结果适用于更广义的综合衡量标准(密切代表一国的一般军事能力)、更狭义的综合衡量标准以及一般军事先进性的其他衡量标准,这表明我们的理论具有广泛的适用性。这篇文章解释了为什么有些国家在已经大幅领先对手的情况下仍大力投资于常规能力,而另一些国家则选择投资于替代能力而非对称平衡。
To compete or strategically retreat? The global diffusion of reconnaissance strike
The reconnaissance strike complex is synonymous with modern military power, and prominent realist theories would have predicted rapid proliferation after its successful debut in the Gulf War. Instead, the complex has proliferated slowly. To explain this puzzle, we theorize that interstate security threats significantly impact proliferation, but not in the way traditionally presumed. Although the literature on weapons proliferation has largely assumed a monotonically increasing relationship should hold between the capabilities of a state’s adversaries and a state’s own capability, we draw from the economics literature and game theoretic insights from political science to argue that the relationship should resemble an inverted-U. When states have rivals with moderate reconnaissance strike capabilities, they have security incentives to compete with them. However, when states face highly advanced adversaries, it becomes more difficult to escape or match their competition, making symmetrical acquisition less appealing. While most prior research focuses on narrower aspects of the reconnaissance strike complex like missiles or smart bombs, we test our theory on a novel dataset tracking country-level acquisition of eight aspects of the complex from 1980 to 2017: Ballistic missiles; bombers; cruise missiles; fighter aircraft; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance assets; precision-guided munitions; satellites; and submarines. We find strong support for our inverted-U argument. States that have rivals with moderate reconnaissance strike capabilities have over double the reconnaissance strike capabilities themselves than states that have rivals with very low or very high capabilities. Our findings hold for broader measures of the complex that closely proxy a state’s general military capabilities, narrower measures of the complex, and alternative measures of general military sophistication, indicating our theory has broad applicability. This article explains why some states invest heavily in conventional capabilities despite an already-large lead over their adversaries, and why other states instead opt to invest in alternatives rather than balancing symmetrically.
期刊介绍:
Journal of Peace Research is an interdisciplinary and international peer reviewed bimonthly journal of scholarly work in peace research. Edited at the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), by an international editorial committee, Journal of Peace Research strives for a global focus on conflict and peacemaking. From its establishment in 1964, authors from over 50 countries have published in JPR. The Journal encourages a wide conception of peace, but focuses on the causes of violence and conflict resolution. Without sacrificing the requirements for theoretical rigour and methodological sophistication, articles directed towards ways and means of peace are favoured.