评论文章:大战一百周年的记忆文化

IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
History Pub Date : 2024-08-29 DOI:10.1111/1468-229X.13421
PETER LEESE
{"title":"评论文章:大战一百周年的记忆文化","authors":"PETER LEESE","doi":"10.1111/1468-229X.13421","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p> <span>Afterlives of War: A Descendants’ History</span>. <b>By</b> <span>Michael Roper</span>. Manchester University Press, <span>2023</span>. <span>xvi + 351</span>.</p><p> <span>Curating the Great War</span>. <b>Edited by</b> <span>Paul Cornish</span> and <span>Nicholas J. Saunders</span>. Routledge, <span>2022</span>. <span>xxiii + 341</span>.</p><p>Taken together, these books pose two key questions. First, what can we learn about memory formation and transmission from the rich histories of public exhibition and personal recollection gathered across the last hundred years? Second, how have the practices and politics of First World War remembering been changed by the hundredth anniversary?</p><p>The answers provide an engaging divergence. In Roper's account, there is a continual circulation between the personal, family and local, communal memory, and wider commemorative practices. In contrast, Cornish and Saunders stress the importance of the public realm, and the revealing intersection of historical research, anthropology, archaeology, sociology, and politics. <i>Curating the Great War</i> is particularly engaged with the practices of museology, the materialities of conflict understood through remnants and sites, with the engagement of publics, audiences, and heritage authorities in making relevant versions of the past. Roper's study, <i>Afterlives of War</i>, is a more intimate affair. It is an ethnographic, sociological, and psychological inquiry into the nature of past making as it is experienced by descendants living with the long-term consequences of war. Roper deftly handles these personal aspects of engagement with the past. <i>Afterlives of War</i> is an absorbing, original, and persuasive meditation on ‘memory in the aftermath’.</p><p>Cornish and Saunders organise their edited collection, <i>Curating the War</i>, around three central themes. ‘Museums, Identities and the Politics of Memory’ covers First World War museology from the cessation of hostilities to the centenary. This is not a comprehensive account, but it covers a range of institutions, including some of the major nation state remembrance sites such as the Berlin Zeughaus, and the more recent Historial de la Grande Guerre in Péronne. Smaller local institutions also feature, such as the Priest's House Museum and Gardens in Wimborne, Dorset. Two chapters in the collection cover the history of the Imperial War Museum, during the Second World War, and during the fiftieth anniversary commemorations of 1964–8. A second section on ‘Museums and Materialities’ explores varied locations and approaches to archaeological and remembrance sites, for example, the extensively preserved heritage and traces of the Soča/Isonzo Front of 1915–17. A reflection on the confrontation fought out between Italian and Austro-Hungarian forces across an unusually high, rocky landscape that today is mostly in Slovenia. A later chapter by Boštjan Kravanja also gives an update on the material culture of commemoration during the hundredth anniversary of the Isonzo Front. Finally, an excellent section on ‘Audiences and Engagement’ looks at the dilemmas and achievements of the hundredth anniversary commemorations through a discussion of innovative exhibition practices, peace memorials, and collaborative projects, including the dilemmas of exhibiting the Great War in intensely divided communities, such as at the Ulster Museum in Belfast. [Correction added on 11 October 2024, after first online publication: The third paragraph has been updated in this version.]</p><p>Roper's study pursues its themes in four linked sections, sometimes looping back to expand on passing details. An early mention of interviewing his maternal grandfather in 1980 returns much later, for example, when Roper discusses the same grandfather's life after the First World War. This 1980 interview reappears also in the final section of <i>Afterlives of War</i> when the author considers how successive generations remember differently in the historical circumstances in each ‘here and now’. In combination, these sections turn out to be a subtle, extended reflection on what traumatic memory might mean expressed in the body as well as in the mind. Part One, ‘Afterlives’, considers the kinds of evidence that might help constitute a social history of memory as well as the nature of ‘family transmissions’. Part Two, ‘Observer,’ provides a more transnational comparison across varied national narratives and through a comparative discussion of descendant remembering in Britain and Germany. Part Three, ‘Historian,’ focusses on local and family histories with chapters on domestic fatherhood, recollections of childhood play, and the roles of daughters within household ‘economies of care’. Part Four revisits Roper's family history, the recollections, and forgettings of the Anzac legend, for example, in the ‘legacies of dysentery’.</p><p>Both accounts take a notably comparative approach, as the short summaries above suggest. In C<i>urating the Great War</i>, the comparisons extend beyond Europe to the former dominion territories of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The collection also includes articles on the recent archaeology of the Arab Revolt, a Prisoner of War camp in Czersk, Poland, the Macedonia campaign, as well as neglected or contested sights of memory such as the Federal State of Tyrol, Austria. <i>Afterlives of War</i> is narrower, but no less effective as it compares the experiences of British, German, and Australian descendants. Roper also positions himself more visibly within the field of research, experience, and knowledge he assembles. Family and public history outside the borders of state and public institutions are most often his starting point. Additionally, Cornish and Saunders describe more the nature of curatorship, material culture, and the social lives of artefacts. Taken together, these two accounts survey the gap between academic discourse, commemorative and museum practice, and family histories. Both are concerned with stories, objects, and the imaginative possibilities of remembering in the early twenty-first century.</p><p>Many of the chapters in <i>Curating the Great War</i> take this inquiry further to show how communication and collaboration between theoreticians and practitioners are changing. This is not only a trend in First World War studies. Stephen N. Norris's excellent 2020 edited collection <i>Museums of Communism</i>, for example, also displays the uses and benefits of cross-disciplinary and comparative methodologies. Norris's account is justifiably critical of state-oriented campaigns of memorialisation and the slippery politics of contested histories. But First World War museums and commemorations are an altogether more personal matter for English-speaking audiences. Great War memory is entangled and sensitive exactly because family and community are very often still strongly implicated. Cornish and Saunders set out to show the range of thinking and the practical realities of curation given the ever-present constraints of time and money. Equally, the contributors to <i>Curating the Great War</i> document the creative and varied ways in which Great War exhibitions and public representations have come into being. Two themes stand out in the collection: first, how each succeeding generation of curators responds to earlier interpretive traditions; second, the ways in which memory practices are formed and played out in the present.</p><p>Roper is also closely attentive to the question of what remembering the Great War might mean in the context of the transition towards post-memory. And implicit in both accounts is the question of whether post-memory – remembrance and family history when former participants are no longer alive – is a generative space for new understandings relevant to the present, or merely the work of politicised, diluted, and sentimentalised public imagination. Roper answers this question by attending to the complex connections and separations between those who participated, and those family members whose lives were later indirectly shaped by conflict. One important aspect here is the impact of public commemoration practices and state agendas on family routines and modes of recollection. The implications of this approach are far reaching. Roper argues that private and public memories are much more porous than they might at first appear. This theme is developed towards the end of <i>Afterlives of War</i>.</p><p>Both <i>Curating the Great War</i> and <i>Afterlives of War</i> also give explanations of how and why national narratives of the 1914–18 conflict differ by place. Roper describes in detail a 2016 meeting between twenty-three German and British subjects with a First World War family history. These sessions used family objects as prompts to explore how war memories passed across generations and between family members. The resulting typology of twenty-first century war remembering includes the need to bear and make memories, to learn from the past, to break silences, and the need to restore humanity. Such grass roots insights give a sense of family members as active rememberers and interpreters of relatives’ lives, of community, and of national pasts. Cornish and Saunders concentrate on a different aspect of state narratives, namely, the struggle for control of memory between governing authorities who, past and present, have claimed the conflict to strengthen patriotic sentiment and identity. The editors also identify some notable exceptions to this nationalist agenda including the <i>Gallipoli: The scale of war</i> exhibition at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, discussed further below. One mature student I taught in 2024 told me, in class – referring to UK commemorative campaigns at the hundredth anniversary, ‘I had to live through that shit for four years. You couldn't escape it even if you wanted to’. Nevertheless, the United Kingdom also effectively challenged its own sense of the past, at least sometimes, and in some places, as Stephen Dixon notes in his excellent chapter on collaborative memorial-making.</p><p>While Cornish and Saunders note the range of commemorative and remembrance practices across institutions, Roper links national narratives to family and communal remembering. The author notes for instance that the death of Erich Kästner (1900–2008), believed to be the last surviving German or Austrian veteran of the First World War, was all but absent from the public sphere, not only because Germany did not maintain active records. Equally, no German 1914–18 national memorial was constructed. German interest in the First World War was substantial, but highly ambivalent. Above all, Nazi manipulation of the ‘front fighter’ image contributed to the decision for no central commemoration at the hundredth anniversary. As Roper notes too, state funding reflects differences of attitudes towards the conflict, and towards the role of remembrance. Anxieties at the revival of extremist nationalism, and reluctance to fuel anti-European feeling around the time of the Brexit referendum, led Germany to spend three and a half million Euro. Britain's Conservative government, stressing remembrance and citizenship duties of service, sacrifice, and unity, allocated fifty million pounds. Australia, where national identity remains deeply invested in the Anzac legend, devoted five hundred and sixty-two million dollars. More than all other nation states put together. Many historians felt ambivalent about their role in such commemorations. In Australia, there was noticeable criticism of a trend also present elsewhere: sentimentalization, parochialism, pity and mourning to match the twenty-first century ‘age of trauma’, all of which amounted in some eyes to a regrettable ‘memory orgy’.</p><p>Yet, as both the accounts under review show, descendants in Britain, Australia, and in many other states did not necessarily agree with or accept state-funded campaigns. In the same way, some artists, curators, and historians sought to complicate and rethink the meanings of the First World War. Images of the conflict evolved between 2014 and 2018. The early ‘memory orgies’ failed because sensibility and values shifted across successive generations. In Roper's argument, the presence and engagement of descendants became increasingly important over the four years of the hundredth anniversary. Descendant stories disrupted long-held interpretations. The Anzac myth, for example, was challenged by descendants’ accounts of established German communities detained and deported from Australia. Several chapters in <i>Curating the Great War</i> also describe exhibitions that strongly challenged existing interpretation. Two exhibitions are worth describing in more detail also as examples of imaginative curatorial and artistic reinvention in the twenty-first century. The form and content of both exhibitions support Roper's argument for reciprocal interaction between private and public memory.</p><p>The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa's <i>Gallipoli: the scale of our war</i>, for example, incorporated into its opening a pōwhiri (Māori welcome) and blessing. Small groups were then invited to explore the eight hyper-real sculptures, each two and a half times larger than life, that were the interpretive core of the exhibition. The remainder of the show incorporated five thematic galleries, presented for the most part from a New Zealand perspective. Opening on 18 April 2015, the exhibition has to date run for almost ten years. Over three million visited the exhibition by February 2020. The familiarity of Anzac Day and the Anzac legend, and the fresh approach to the subject taken by the museum, partly accounts for this popularity. Kirstie Ross, Papa Te employee and curatorial lead on the exhibition, reports in her essay that the ‘pervasive mnemonic culture’ of New Zealand helped give the exhibition its mass appeal. Ross gives us an absorbing account of the exhibition that also fulfils the editors’ intention to show <i>how</i> exhibition making happens in the twenty-first century. In this case by a radical humanization and naming of the figures rather than the more usual anonymisation of the conflict and concentration on material objects. Hence the careful choice of eight individuals who were the subjects of the sculptures, and the close collaboration with living relatives. This approach also echoes Roper's claim that descendants helped inform and shape public commemoration. The question of who should be included in the exhibition, a point of disagreement between the curators, led to the inclusion of two Māori, one Australian, and five Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent). Again, such inclusive approaches are not new to the recollection of the 1914–18 conflict, but they do suggest how curatorial practice and present-day concerns continually reframe understandings of the past. <i>Gallipoli</i> is a characteristically immersive and visitor-centric example of the ‘new museology’. Ross helpfully names the qualities that contemporary museum visitors find most engaging: connection, emotion, authenticity, multi-sensory engagement, and space for reflection. Such exhibitions show too what can be achieved when these attributes are matched with strong historical research and technical skill.</p><p><i>The Sensory War, 1914–2014</i> (Manchester Art Gallery, Oct 2014 – Feb 2015), is a second exhibition that was both challenging and successful in the eyes of its twenty-first century audiences. Here too, all of Ross's key qualities are present. The exhibition also noticeably avoided the more partisan tone taken by some political and media commentators in Britain. There was also a conspicuous inclusiveness in its vision of the conflict. As Ana Carden-Coyne's key chapter on the exhibition points out, curators, historians, and public questioned a return to the triumphalist renditions of the war that drew on the memory politics of the interwar era, and that tended to reproduce the nationalist agendas seen in Australia and elsewhere. Rather, <i>The Sensory War</i> was a conscious attempt to push against previous generational understandings, seeking instead a new relevance beyond what Roper refers to as the time-bound codes and cultures of earlier generations. Roper's key example here – visible in displays and commentaries on the conflict and audible in his interviews – is the value participants and their children placed on dampening down and limiting expression of emotions as a necessity in everyday coping. By contrast, later descendants place greater value on open expression and emotional engagement. Stephen Dixon in his essay on collaborative memorial making names some of the high-profile examples that matched their moment, including <i>War Rooms</i> (2015) by Cornelia Parker and Danny Boyle's <i>Pages of the Sea</i> (2018). For Carden-Coyne, the incorporation of creative artistic practice into museum exhibition was essential because artists can engage audiences ‘as conduits for communities to shape meaning, heal trauma and foster deep contemplation through creativity and imagination’. The value of creative engagements and practices is obvious when addressing emotive, living themes so deeply embedded in family and communal experience as well as in living memory. In the case of <i>The Sensory War</i>, a group of ten themes guided the exhibition: Militarising Bodies, Manufacturing War; Female Factories; Aerial Warfare and the Sensation of Flight; Pain and Succour; Rupture and Rehabilitation; Embodied Ruins; Shocking the Senses; Bombing, Burning and Distant War; Chemical War and the Toxic Imaginary; and Ghostlands: Loss, Memory, and Resilience. Across the five months the exhibition was open, it attracted 203,000 visitors.</p><p>Finally, <i>Curating the Great War</i> and <i>Afterlives of War</i> allow us space for more direct reflection on commemorative practices at the 100th Anniversary within civil society, as well as in the more intimate setting of personal and family memory. Dominiek Dendooven of the In Flanders Field Museum, Ypres, like Kirstie Ross and Ana Carden-Coyne, stresses the necessity of commemoration meaningful to the present, as well as the need for ‘cosmopolitan’ or ethical forms of remembrance. One example is the Museum's decision to reflect on the humanitarian emergency of 2015–16, when hundreds of thousands of refugees crossing the Mediterranean, through a comparison with Belgian refugees at the start of the First World War. Despite the criticism and abuse aimed at the In Flanders Field Museum as a result, such cosmopolitan and contemplative approaches remain more persuasive than, for example, military battle reenactments. Dendooven argues such events are pretentious, deceitful, and by nature antagonistic.</p><p>Ethical and contemplative commemoration here seems much closer to the everyday life remembering explored in <i>Afterlives of War</i>. Roper notes the widespread use of ‘proximate stories’ that may not strictly match known events within the history of a family, but that nevertheless convey descendants’ constructed understandings. When parents refuse to speak or explain, descendants are still compelled to find compensation for the puzzlement of not knowing. They use proximate stories to fill in the blanks of the past. The diagnostic category ‘PTSD’ is likewise widely deployed since, as Roper puts it, ‘Trauma discourse made intuitive sense to the members of a “post” generation’. Descendants, in other words, make the histories that life experience forces upon them. Roper's wider point, supported by many of the examples in <i>Curating the Great War</i>, is that ‘professional’ or public histories are not apart from personal and family pasts. Nor do civic, family, and personal memory cultures simply flow from sender to receiver. Rather, memory formations continually reshape each other through <i>both</i> public commemorations and the lived experience of descendants.</p>","PeriodicalId":13162,"journal":{"name":"History","volume":"109 388","pages":"586-592"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6000,"publicationDate":"2024-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1468-229X.13421","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Review Essay: Memory Cultures at the Great War Centenary\",\"authors\":\"PETER LEESE\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/1468-229X.13421\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p> <span>Afterlives of War: A Descendants’ History</span>. <b>By</b> <span>Michael Roper</span>. Manchester University Press, <span>2023</span>. <span>xvi + 351</span>.</p><p> <span>Curating the Great War</span>. <b>Edited by</b> <span>Paul Cornish</span> and <span>Nicholas J. Saunders</span>. Routledge, <span>2022</span>. <span>xxiii + 341</span>.</p><p>Taken together, these books pose two key questions. First, what can we learn about memory formation and transmission from the rich histories of public exhibition and personal recollection gathered across the last hundred years? Second, how have the practices and politics of First World War remembering been changed by the hundredth anniversary?</p><p>The answers provide an engaging divergence. In Roper's account, there is a continual circulation between the personal, family and local, communal memory, and wider commemorative practices. In contrast, Cornish and Saunders stress the importance of the public realm, and the revealing intersection of historical research, anthropology, archaeology, sociology, and politics. <i>Curating the Great War</i> is particularly engaged with the practices of museology, the materialities of conflict understood through remnants and sites, with the engagement of publics, audiences, and heritage authorities in making relevant versions of the past. Roper's study, <i>Afterlives of War</i>, is a more intimate affair. It is an ethnographic, sociological, and psychological inquiry into the nature of past making as it is experienced by descendants living with the long-term consequences of war. Roper deftly handles these personal aspects of engagement with the past. <i>Afterlives of War</i> is an absorbing, original, and persuasive meditation on ‘memory in the aftermath’.</p><p>Cornish and Saunders organise their edited collection, <i>Curating the War</i>, around three central themes. ‘Museums, Identities and the Politics of Memory’ covers First World War museology from the cessation of hostilities to the centenary. This is not a comprehensive account, but it covers a range of institutions, including some of the major nation state remembrance sites such as the Berlin Zeughaus, and the more recent Historial de la Grande Guerre in Péronne. Smaller local institutions also feature, such as the Priest's House Museum and Gardens in Wimborne, Dorset. Two chapters in the collection cover the history of the Imperial War Museum, during the Second World War, and during the fiftieth anniversary commemorations of 1964–8. A second section on ‘Museums and Materialities’ explores varied locations and approaches to archaeological and remembrance sites, for example, the extensively preserved heritage and traces of the Soča/Isonzo Front of 1915–17. A reflection on the confrontation fought out between Italian and Austro-Hungarian forces across an unusually high, rocky landscape that today is mostly in Slovenia. A later chapter by Boštjan Kravanja also gives an update on the material culture of commemoration during the hundredth anniversary of the Isonzo Front. Finally, an excellent section on ‘Audiences and Engagement’ looks at the dilemmas and achievements of the hundredth anniversary commemorations through a discussion of innovative exhibition practices, peace memorials, and collaborative projects, including the dilemmas of exhibiting the Great War in intensely divided communities, such as at the Ulster Museum in Belfast. [Correction added on 11 October 2024, after first online publication: The third paragraph has been updated in this version.]</p><p>Roper's study pursues its themes in four linked sections, sometimes looping back to expand on passing details. An early mention of interviewing his maternal grandfather in 1980 returns much later, for example, when Roper discusses the same grandfather's life after the First World War. This 1980 interview reappears also in the final section of <i>Afterlives of War</i> when the author considers how successive generations remember differently in the historical circumstances in each ‘here and now’. In combination, these sections turn out to be a subtle, extended reflection on what traumatic memory might mean expressed in the body as well as in the mind. Part One, ‘Afterlives’, considers the kinds of evidence that might help constitute a social history of memory as well as the nature of ‘family transmissions’. Part Two, ‘Observer,’ provides a more transnational comparison across varied national narratives and through a comparative discussion of descendant remembering in Britain and Germany. Part Three, ‘Historian,’ focusses on local and family histories with chapters on domestic fatherhood, recollections of childhood play, and the roles of daughters within household ‘economies of care’. Part Four revisits Roper's family history, the recollections, and forgettings of the Anzac legend, for example, in the ‘legacies of dysentery’.</p><p>Both accounts take a notably comparative approach, as the short summaries above suggest. In C<i>urating the Great War</i>, the comparisons extend beyond Europe to the former dominion territories of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The collection also includes articles on the recent archaeology of the Arab Revolt, a Prisoner of War camp in Czersk, Poland, the Macedonia campaign, as well as neglected or contested sights of memory such as the Federal State of Tyrol, Austria. <i>Afterlives of War</i> is narrower, but no less effective as it compares the experiences of British, German, and Australian descendants. Roper also positions himself more visibly within the field of research, experience, and knowledge he assembles. Family and public history outside the borders of state and public institutions are most often his starting point. Additionally, Cornish and Saunders describe more the nature of curatorship, material culture, and the social lives of artefacts. Taken together, these two accounts survey the gap between academic discourse, commemorative and museum practice, and family histories. Both are concerned with stories, objects, and the imaginative possibilities of remembering in the early twenty-first century.</p><p>Many of the chapters in <i>Curating the Great War</i> take this inquiry further to show how communication and collaboration between theoreticians and practitioners are changing. This is not only a trend in First World War studies. Stephen N. Norris's excellent 2020 edited collection <i>Museums of Communism</i>, for example, also displays the uses and benefits of cross-disciplinary and comparative methodologies. Norris's account is justifiably critical of state-oriented campaigns of memorialisation and the slippery politics of contested histories. But First World War museums and commemorations are an altogether more personal matter for English-speaking audiences. Great War memory is entangled and sensitive exactly because family and community are very often still strongly implicated. Cornish and Saunders set out to show the range of thinking and the practical realities of curation given the ever-present constraints of time and money. Equally, the contributors to <i>Curating the Great War</i> document the creative and varied ways in which Great War exhibitions and public representations have come into being. Two themes stand out in the collection: first, how each succeeding generation of curators responds to earlier interpretive traditions; second, the ways in which memory practices are formed and played out in the present.</p><p>Roper is also closely attentive to the question of what remembering the Great War might mean in the context of the transition towards post-memory. And implicit in both accounts is the question of whether post-memory – remembrance and family history when former participants are no longer alive – is a generative space for new understandings relevant to the present, or merely the work of politicised, diluted, and sentimentalised public imagination. Roper answers this question by attending to the complex connections and separations between those who participated, and those family members whose lives were later indirectly shaped by conflict. One important aspect here is the impact of public commemoration practices and state agendas on family routines and modes of recollection. The implications of this approach are far reaching. Roper argues that private and public memories are much more porous than they might at first appear. This theme is developed towards the end of <i>Afterlives of War</i>.</p><p>Both <i>Curating the Great War</i> and <i>Afterlives of War</i> also give explanations of how and why national narratives of the 1914–18 conflict differ by place. Roper describes in detail a 2016 meeting between twenty-three German and British subjects with a First World War family history. These sessions used family objects as prompts to explore how war memories passed across generations and between family members. The resulting typology of twenty-first century war remembering includes the need to bear and make memories, to learn from the past, to break silences, and the need to restore humanity. Such grass roots insights give a sense of family members as active rememberers and interpreters of relatives’ lives, of community, and of national pasts. Cornish and Saunders concentrate on a different aspect of state narratives, namely, the struggle for control of memory between governing authorities who, past and present, have claimed the conflict to strengthen patriotic sentiment and identity. The editors also identify some notable exceptions to this nationalist agenda including the <i>Gallipoli: The scale of war</i> exhibition at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, discussed further below. One mature student I taught in 2024 told me, in class – referring to UK commemorative campaigns at the hundredth anniversary, ‘I had to live through that shit for four years. You couldn't escape it even if you wanted to’. Nevertheless, the United Kingdom also effectively challenged its own sense of the past, at least sometimes, and in some places, as Stephen Dixon notes in his excellent chapter on collaborative memorial-making.</p><p>While Cornish and Saunders note the range of commemorative and remembrance practices across institutions, Roper links national narratives to family and communal remembering. The author notes for instance that the death of Erich Kästner (1900–2008), believed to be the last surviving German or Austrian veteran of the First World War, was all but absent from the public sphere, not only because Germany did not maintain active records. Equally, no German 1914–18 national memorial was constructed. German interest in the First World War was substantial, but highly ambivalent. Above all, Nazi manipulation of the ‘front fighter’ image contributed to the decision for no central commemoration at the hundredth anniversary. As Roper notes too, state funding reflects differences of attitudes towards the conflict, and towards the role of remembrance. Anxieties at the revival of extremist nationalism, and reluctance to fuel anti-European feeling around the time of the Brexit referendum, led Germany to spend three and a half million Euro. Britain's Conservative government, stressing remembrance and citizenship duties of service, sacrifice, and unity, allocated fifty million pounds. Australia, where national identity remains deeply invested in the Anzac legend, devoted five hundred and sixty-two million dollars. More than all other nation states put together. Many historians felt ambivalent about their role in such commemorations. In Australia, there was noticeable criticism of a trend also present elsewhere: sentimentalization, parochialism, pity and mourning to match the twenty-first century ‘age of trauma’, all of which amounted in some eyes to a regrettable ‘memory orgy’.</p><p>Yet, as both the accounts under review show, descendants in Britain, Australia, and in many other states did not necessarily agree with or accept state-funded campaigns. In the same way, some artists, curators, and historians sought to complicate and rethink the meanings of the First World War. Images of the conflict evolved between 2014 and 2018. The early ‘memory orgies’ failed because sensibility and values shifted across successive generations. In Roper's argument, the presence and engagement of descendants became increasingly important over the four years of the hundredth anniversary. Descendant stories disrupted long-held interpretations. The Anzac myth, for example, was challenged by descendants’ accounts of established German communities detained and deported from Australia. Several chapters in <i>Curating the Great War</i> also describe exhibitions that strongly challenged existing interpretation. Two exhibitions are worth describing in more detail also as examples of imaginative curatorial and artistic reinvention in the twenty-first century. The form and content of both exhibitions support Roper's argument for reciprocal interaction between private and public memory.</p><p>The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa's <i>Gallipoli: the scale of our war</i>, for example, incorporated into its opening a pōwhiri (Māori welcome) and blessing. Small groups were then invited to explore the eight hyper-real sculptures, each two and a half times larger than life, that were the interpretive core of the exhibition. The remainder of the show incorporated five thematic galleries, presented for the most part from a New Zealand perspective. Opening on 18 April 2015, the exhibition has to date run for almost ten years. Over three million visited the exhibition by February 2020. The familiarity of Anzac Day and the Anzac legend, and the fresh approach to the subject taken by the museum, partly accounts for this popularity. Kirstie Ross, Papa Te employee and curatorial lead on the exhibition, reports in her essay that the ‘pervasive mnemonic culture’ of New Zealand helped give the exhibition its mass appeal. Ross gives us an absorbing account of the exhibition that also fulfils the editors’ intention to show <i>how</i> exhibition making happens in the twenty-first century. In this case by a radical humanization and naming of the figures rather than the more usual anonymisation of the conflict and concentration on material objects. Hence the careful choice of eight individuals who were the subjects of the sculptures, and the close collaboration with living relatives. This approach also echoes Roper's claim that descendants helped inform and shape public commemoration. The question of who should be included in the exhibition, a point of disagreement between the curators, led to the inclusion of two Māori, one Australian, and five Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent). Again, such inclusive approaches are not new to the recollection of the 1914–18 conflict, but they do suggest how curatorial practice and present-day concerns continually reframe understandings of the past. <i>Gallipoli</i> is a characteristically immersive and visitor-centric example of the ‘new museology’. Ross helpfully names the qualities that contemporary museum visitors find most engaging: connection, emotion, authenticity, multi-sensory engagement, and space for reflection. Such exhibitions show too what can be achieved when these attributes are matched with strong historical research and technical skill.</p><p><i>The Sensory War, 1914–2014</i> (Manchester Art Gallery, Oct 2014 – Feb 2015), is a second exhibition that was both challenging and successful in the eyes of its twenty-first century audiences. Here too, all of Ross's key qualities are present. The exhibition also noticeably avoided the more partisan tone taken by some political and media commentators in Britain. There was also a conspicuous inclusiveness in its vision of the conflict. As Ana Carden-Coyne's key chapter on the exhibition points out, curators, historians, and public questioned a return to the triumphalist renditions of the war that drew on the memory politics of the interwar era, and that tended to reproduce the nationalist agendas seen in Australia and elsewhere. Rather, <i>The Sensory War</i> was a conscious attempt to push against previous generational understandings, seeking instead a new relevance beyond what Roper refers to as the time-bound codes and cultures of earlier generations. Roper's key example here – visible in displays and commentaries on the conflict and audible in his interviews – is the value participants and their children placed on dampening down and limiting expression of emotions as a necessity in everyday coping. By contrast, later descendants place greater value on open expression and emotional engagement. Stephen Dixon in his essay on collaborative memorial making names some of the high-profile examples that matched their moment, including <i>War Rooms</i> (2015) by Cornelia Parker and Danny Boyle's <i>Pages of the Sea</i> (2018). For Carden-Coyne, the incorporation of creative artistic practice into museum exhibition was essential because artists can engage audiences ‘as conduits for communities to shape meaning, heal trauma and foster deep contemplation through creativity and imagination’. The value of creative engagements and practices is obvious when addressing emotive, living themes so deeply embedded in family and communal experience as well as in living memory. In the case of <i>The Sensory War</i>, a group of ten themes guided the exhibition: Militarising Bodies, Manufacturing War; Female Factories; Aerial Warfare and the Sensation of Flight; Pain and Succour; Rupture and Rehabilitation; Embodied Ruins; Shocking the Senses; Bombing, Burning and Distant War; Chemical War and the Toxic Imaginary; and Ghostlands: Loss, Memory, and Resilience. Across the five months the exhibition was open, it attracted 203,000 visitors.</p><p>Finally, <i>Curating the Great War</i> and <i>Afterlives of War</i> allow us space for more direct reflection on commemorative practices at the 100th Anniversary within civil society, as well as in the more intimate setting of personal and family memory. Dominiek Dendooven of the In Flanders Field Museum, Ypres, like Kirstie Ross and Ana Carden-Coyne, stresses the necessity of commemoration meaningful to the present, as well as the need for ‘cosmopolitan’ or ethical forms of remembrance. One example is the Museum's decision to reflect on the humanitarian emergency of 2015–16, when hundreds of thousands of refugees crossing the Mediterranean, through a comparison with Belgian refugees at the start of the First World War. Despite the criticism and abuse aimed at the In Flanders Field Museum as a result, such cosmopolitan and contemplative approaches remain more persuasive than, for example, military battle reenactments. Dendooven argues such events are pretentious, deceitful, and by nature antagonistic.</p><p>Ethical and contemplative commemoration here seems much closer to the everyday life remembering explored in <i>Afterlives of War</i>. Roper notes the widespread use of ‘proximate stories’ that may not strictly match known events within the history of a family, but that nevertheless convey descendants’ constructed understandings. When parents refuse to speak or explain, descendants are still compelled to find compensation for the puzzlement of not knowing. They use proximate stories to fill in the blanks of the past. The diagnostic category ‘PTSD’ is likewise widely deployed since, as Roper puts it, ‘Trauma discourse made intuitive sense to the members of a “post” generation’. Descendants, in other words, make the histories that life experience forces upon them. Roper's wider point, supported by many of the examples in <i>Curating the Great War</i>, is that ‘professional’ or public histories are not apart from personal and family pasts. Nor do civic, family, and personal memory cultures simply flow from sender to receiver. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

该系列还包括有关阿拉伯起义、波兰切尔斯克战俘营、马其顿战役的最新考古文章,以及被忽视或有争议的记忆景点,如奥地利蒂罗尔联邦州。《战争余波》的范围更窄,但在比较英国、德国和澳大利亚后裔的经历时,效果丝毫不差。罗珀还将自己定位于他所掌握的研究、经验和知识领域。国家和公共机构之外的家庭和公共历史往往是他的出发点。此外,康沃尔和桑德斯更多地描述了策展的本质、物质文化和人工制品的社会生活。总而言之,这两种说法调查了学术话语、纪念和博物馆实践以及家庭历史之间的差距。两者都关注21世纪初的故事、物品和记忆的想象可能性。《策划第一次世界大战》的许多章节进一步探讨了理论家和实践者之间的沟通和合作是如何变化的。这不仅是第一次世界大战研究的趋势。例如,斯蒂芬·诺里斯(Stephen N. Norris) 2020年编辑的优秀文集《共产主义博物馆》(Museums of Communism)也展示了跨学科和比较方法的用途和好处。诺里斯的叙述对以国家为导向的纪念运动和有争议的历史的狡猾政治提出了合理的批评。但对于讲英语的观众来说,第一次世界大战博物馆和纪念活动是一件更个人化的事情。一战记忆是纠缠和敏感的,正是因为家庭和社区经常仍然强烈地牵连在一起。康沃尔和桑德斯开始展示在时间和金钱的限制下,策展的思考范围和实际现实。同样,《一战策展》的撰稿人记录了一战展览和公众展示的创造性和多样化的方式。藏品中有两个突出的主题:第一,每一代策展人如何回应早期的诠释传统;第二,记忆练习在当前形成和发挥的方式。罗珀还密切关注在向后记忆过渡的背景下,记住第一次世界大战可能意味着什么。这两种说法都隐含着一个问题,即后记忆——当前参与者不再活着时的记忆和家族历史——是一个与当前相关的新理解的生成空间,还是仅仅是政治化、稀释和感性化的公众想象的工作。罗珀回答了这个问题,他关注的是那些参与冲突的人与那些生活后来间接受到冲突影响的家庭成员之间的复杂联系和分离。这里的一个重要方面是公共纪念活动和国家议程对家庭惯例和回忆模式的影响。这种方法的含义是深远的。罗珀认为,私人和公共记忆比它们最初看起来要多孔得多。这个主题在《战争后的生活》的结尾得到了发展。《一战策展》和《战后》都解释了1914 - 1918年战争的国家叙事如何以及为何因地而异。罗珀详细描述了2016年23名有一战家族史的德国人和英国人之间的一次会面。这些课程使用家庭物品作为提示,探索战争记忆如何在几代人之间和家庭成员之间传递。由此产生的21世纪战争记忆的类型学包括承受和制造记忆的需要,从过去学习,打破沉默,以及恢复人性的需要。这种草根的见解让人觉得,家庭成员是亲人生活、社区和国家历史的积极记忆者和诠释者。康沃尔和桑德斯专注于国家叙事的另一个方面,即过去和现在的执政当局之间为控制记忆而进行的斗争,这些当局声称冲突是为了加强爱国情绪和身份认同。编辑们还指出了民族主义议程中一些值得注意的例外,包括新西兰博物馆(The Museum of New Zealand)的加利波利:战争规模展览(The scale of war),下文将进一步讨论。我在2024年教过的一个成熟的学生在课堂上告诉我,他指的是英国100周年纪念活动,“我不得不在那种糟糕的情况下生活了四年。”即使你想逃避,也逃不掉。然而,英国也有效地挑战了自己对过去的感觉,至少在某些时候,在某些地方,正如斯蒂芬·迪克森在他关于合作纪念制作的精彩章节中所指出的那样。 虽然康沃尔和桑德斯注意到各种机构的纪念和纪念活动,但罗珀将国家叙事与家庭和社区记忆联系起来。例如,提交人指出,Erich Kästner(1900-2008)被认为是第一次世界大战中最后一位幸存的德国或奥地利老兵,但他的死亡几乎没有出现在公共领域,这不仅是因为德国没有保存有效的记录。同样,1914 - 1918年德国也没有建造国家纪念碑。德国在第一次世界大战中的利益是巨大的,但高度矛盾。最重要的是,纳粹对“前线战士”形象的篡改促成了在100周年纪念活动中不举行中央纪念活动的决定。正如罗珀所指出的那样,国家资助反映了对冲突的不同态度,以及对纪念作用的不同态度。对极端民族主义复兴的担忧,以及在英国脱欧公投前后不愿激起反欧情绪,导致德国花费了350万欧元。英国保守党政府强调纪念和公民义务的服务、牺牲和团结,拨款5000万英镑。澳大利亚的国家身份仍然深深沉浸在澳新军团的传奇中,投入了5.62亿美元。比其他所有国家加起来都多。许多历史学家对他们在这些纪念活动中的角色感到矛盾。在澳大利亚,人们对其他地方也存在的一种趋势提出了明显的批评:感伤、狭隘、怜悯和哀悼,以匹配21世纪的“创伤时代”,所有这些在某些人看来都是令人遗憾的“记忆狂欢”。然而,正如正在审查的两份报告所显示的那样,英国、澳大利亚和许多其他州的后裔并不一定同意或接受由国家资助的运动。以同样的方式,一些艺术家、策展人和历史学家试图将第一次世界大战的意义复杂化并重新思考。2014年至2018年期间,冲突的图像发生了变化。早期的“记忆狂欢”失败了,因为情感和价值观在几代人之间发生了变化。在罗珀的观点中,在百年纪念的四年里,后代的存在和参与变得越来越重要。后代的故事打破了长期以来的解释。例如,澳新军团的神话受到了后代的挑战,他们描述了被拘留并驱逐出澳大利亚的老牌德国社区。《策展一战》的几个章节也描述了那些强烈挑战现有解释的展览。有两个展览值得更详细地描述,它们也是21世纪富有想象力的策展和艺术再造的例子。两个展览的形式和内容都支持了Roper关于私人和公共记忆之间相互作用的观点。例如,新西兰博物馆帕帕·汤加雷瓦的《加利波利:我们战争的规模》在其开幕致辞中加入了pōwhiri (Māori欢迎)和祝福。然后,小组被邀请去探索八个超现实的雕塑,每一个都比真人大2.5倍,这是展览的解释性核心。展览的其余部分包括五个主题画廊,大部分从新西兰的角度呈现。该展览于2015年4月18日开幕,至今已举办近十年。截至2020年2月,超过300万人参观了该展览。人们对澳新军团日和澳新军团传奇的熟悉,以及博物馆对这一主题采取的新方法,在一定程度上解释了它的受欢迎程度。Papa Te员工、本次展览策展负责人克里斯蒂•罗斯(Kirstie Ross)在她的文章中写道,新西兰“无处不在的记忆文化”帮助这次展览获得了广泛的吸引力。罗斯为我们提供了一个引人入胜的展览描述,也满足了编辑的意图,即展示展览制作在21世纪是如何发生的。在这种情况下,通过激进的人性化和人物的命名,而不是更常见的匿名的冲突和集中在物质对象。因此,他们精心挑选了八个人作为雕塑的主题,并与在世的亲属密切合作。这种方法也呼应了罗珀的说法,即后代帮助告知和塑造了公共纪念活动。关于谁应该被纳入展览的问题,策展人之间存在分歧,导致两位Māori,一位澳大利亚人和五位Pakeha(欧洲血统的新西兰人)被纳入展览。同样,这种包容性的方法对于回忆1914 - 1918年的冲突并不新鲜,但它们确实表明,策展实践和当今的关注如何不断地重新构建对过去的理解。加利波利是“新博物馆学”的典型的沉浸式和以游客为中心的例子。 罗斯很有帮助地列举了当代博物馆最吸引游客的品质:联系、情感、真实性、多感官参与和反思空间。这些展览也表明,当这些属性与强大的历史研究和技术技能相匹配时,可以取得什么成就。感官战争,1914-2014(曼彻斯特美术馆,2014年10月- 2015年2月),是第二个在21世纪观众眼中既具有挑战性又成功的展览。在这里,罗斯所有的关键品质都体现了出来。这次展览还明显避免了英国一些政治和媒体评论员的党派色彩。它对冲突的看法也有明显的包容性。正如Ana Carden-Coyne关于展览的关键章节所指出的那样,策展人、历史学家和公众质疑回归战争的必胜主义再现,这种再现借鉴了两次世界大战之间时代的记忆政治,并倾向于再现澳大利亚和其他地方的民族主义议程。更确切地说,《感官战争》是一种有意识的尝试,试图推翻前几代人的理解,而是寻求一种超越Roper所说的时间限制的代码和前几代人的文化的新相关性。罗珀在这里的关键例子——在他对冲突的展示和评论中可以看到,在他的采访中也可以听到——是参与者和他们的孩子把抑制和限制情绪表达作为日常应对的必要条件的价值。相比之下,后来的后代更重视开放的表达和情感投入。斯蒂芬·迪克森在他的文章中提到了一些与他们的时代相匹配的备受瞩目的例子,包括科妮莉亚·帕克的《战争房间》(2015)和丹尼·博伊尔的《海洋之页》(2018)。对于Carden-Coyne来说,将创造性的艺术实践融入博物馆展览是必不可少的,因为艺术家可以吸引观众“作为社区塑造意义、治愈创伤和通过创造力和想象力培养深度思考的渠道”。创造性的参与和实践的价值是显而易见的,当处理情感,生活的主题深深嵌入在家庭和社区的经验,以及生活的记忆。以“感官战争”为例,展览以十个主题为指导:军事化的身体,制造的战争;女性工厂;空战与飞行感;痛苦与救助;断裂与康复;废墟中体现;震撼感官;轰炸、燃烧与远方战争;化学战争与有毒想象;《幽灵之地:失落、记忆和恢复力》。在展览开放的五个月里,吸引了20.3万名参观者。最后,“第一次世界大战及其余波”的策划为我们提供了更直接的空间,让我们在民间社会以及个人和家庭记忆的更亲密的环境中反思100周年纪念活动。佛兰德斯菲尔德博物馆的多米尼克·登多芬(dominique Dendooven)和基尔斯蒂·罗斯(Kirstie Ross)、安娜·卡登-科因(Ana Carden-Coyne)一样,强调纪念对当下有意义的必要性,以及对“世界性”或伦理形式的纪念的必要性。其中一个例子是,博物馆决定通过与第一次世界大战开始时的比利时难民进行比较,反思2015-16年的人道主义紧急情况,当时数十万难民越过地中海。尽管因此对法兰德斯战场博物馆提出了批评和谩骂,但这种世界主义和沉思的方法仍然比军事战斗重演更有说服力。登多芬认为,这样的事件是矫情的、欺骗性的,本质上是敌对的。伦理和沉思的纪念在这里似乎更接近日常生活的记忆在战争的后遗症探索。Roper注意到“近似故事”的广泛使用,这些故事可能与一个家族历史上已知的事件并不严格匹配,但仍然传达了后代构建的理解。当父母拒绝说话或解释时,后代仍然被迫为不知道的困惑寻找补偿。他们用近景故事来填补过去的空白。“创伤后应激障碍”这个诊断类别同样被广泛使用,因为正如罗珀所说,“创伤话语对‘后’一代的成员来说具有直观的意义”。换句话说,后代创造了生活经历强加给他们的历史。罗珀更广泛的观点得到了《策划大战》一书中许多例子的支持,即“专业”或公共历史与个人和家庭的过去密不可分。公民、家庭和个人记忆文化也不是简单地从发送者流向接收者。相反,记忆的形成通过公共纪念和后代的生活经历不断地重塑彼此。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Review Essay: Memory Cultures at the Great War Centenary

Afterlives of War: A Descendants’ History. By Michael Roper. Manchester University Press, 2023. xvi + 351.

Curating the Great War. Edited by Paul Cornish and Nicholas J. Saunders. Routledge, 2022. xxiii + 341.

Taken together, these books pose two key questions. First, what can we learn about memory formation and transmission from the rich histories of public exhibition and personal recollection gathered across the last hundred years? Second, how have the practices and politics of First World War remembering been changed by the hundredth anniversary?

The answers provide an engaging divergence. In Roper's account, there is a continual circulation between the personal, family and local, communal memory, and wider commemorative practices. In contrast, Cornish and Saunders stress the importance of the public realm, and the revealing intersection of historical research, anthropology, archaeology, sociology, and politics. Curating the Great War is particularly engaged with the practices of museology, the materialities of conflict understood through remnants and sites, with the engagement of publics, audiences, and heritage authorities in making relevant versions of the past. Roper's study, Afterlives of War, is a more intimate affair. It is an ethnographic, sociological, and psychological inquiry into the nature of past making as it is experienced by descendants living with the long-term consequences of war. Roper deftly handles these personal aspects of engagement with the past. Afterlives of War is an absorbing, original, and persuasive meditation on ‘memory in the aftermath’.

Cornish and Saunders organise their edited collection, Curating the War, around three central themes. ‘Museums, Identities and the Politics of Memory’ covers First World War museology from the cessation of hostilities to the centenary. This is not a comprehensive account, but it covers a range of institutions, including some of the major nation state remembrance sites such as the Berlin Zeughaus, and the more recent Historial de la Grande Guerre in Péronne. Smaller local institutions also feature, such as the Priest's House Museum and Gardens in Wimborne, Dorset. Two chapters in the collection cover the history of the Imperial War Museum, during the Second World War, and during the fiftieth anniversary commemorations of 1964–8. A second section on ‘Museums and Materialities’ explores varied locations and approaches to archaeological and remembrance sites, for example, the extensively preserved heritage and traces of the Soča/Isonzo Front of 1915–17. A reflection on the confrontation fought out between Italian and Austro-Hungarian forces across an unusually high, rocky landscape that today is mostly in Slovenia. A later chapter by Boštjan Kravanja also gives an update on the material culture of commemoration during the hundredth anniversary of the Isonzo Front. Finally, an excellent section on ‘Audiences and Engagement’ looks at the dilemmas and achievements of the hundredth anniversary commemorations through a discussion of innovative exhibition practices, peace memorials, and collaborative projects, including the dilemmas of exhibiting the Great War in intensely divided communities, such as at the Ulster Museum in Belfast. [Correction added on 11 October 2024, after first online publication: The third paragraph has been updated in this version.]

Roper's study pursues its themes in four linked sections, sometimes looping back to expand on passing details. An early mention of interviewing his maternal grandfather in 1980 returns much later, for example, when Roper discusses the same grandfather's life after the First World War. This 1980 interview reappears also in the final section of Afterlives of War when the author considers how successive generations remember differently in the historical circumstances in each ‘here and now’. In combination, these sections turn out to be a subtle, extended reflection on what traumatic memory might mean expressed in the body as well as in the mind. Part One, ‘Afterlives’, considers the kinds of evidence that might help constitute a social history of memory as well as the nature of ‘family transmissions’. Part Two, ‘Observer,’ provides a more transnational comparison across varied national narratives and through a comparative discussion of descendant remembering in Britain and Germany. Part Three, ‘Historian,’ focusses on local and family histories with chapters on domestic fatherhood, recollections of childhood play, and the roles of daughters within household ‘economies of care’. Part Four revisits Roper's family history, the recollections, and forgettings of the Anzac legend, for example, in the ‘legacies of dysentery’.

Both accounts take a notably comparative approach, as the short summaries above suggest. In Curating the Great War, the comparisons extend beyond Europe to the former dominion territories of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The collection also includes articles on the recent archaeology of the Arab Revolt, a Prisoner of War camp in Czersk, Poland, the Macedonia campaign, as well as neglected or contested sights of memory such as the Federal State of Tyrol, Austria. Afterlives of War is narrower, but no less effective as it compares the experiences of British, German, and Australian descendants. Roper also positions himself more visibly within the field of research, experience, and knowledge he assembles. Family and public history outside the borders of state and public institutions are most often his starting point. Additionally, Cornish and Saunders describe more the nature of curatorship, material culture, and the social lives of artefacts. Taken together, these two accounts survey the gap between academic discourse, commemorative and museum practice, and family histories. Both are concerned with stories, objects, and the imaginative possibilities of remembering in the early twenty-first century.

Many of the chapters in Curating the Great War take this inquiry further to show how communication and collaboration between theoreticians and practitioners are changing. This is not only a trend in First World War studies. Stephen N. Norris's excellent 2020 edited collection Museums of Communism, for example, also displays the uses and benefits of cross-disciplinary and comparative methodologies. Norris's account is justifiably critical of state-oriented campaigns of memorialisation and the slippery politics of contested histories. But First World War museums and commemorations are an altogether more personal matter for English-speaking audiences. Great War memory is entangled and sensitive exactly because family and community are very often still strongly implicated. Cornish and Saunders set out to show the range of thinking and the practical realities of curation given the ever-present constraints of time and money. Equally, the contributors to Curating the Great War document the creative and varied ways in which Great War exhibitions and public representations have come into being. Two themes stand out in the collection: first, how each succeeding generation of curators responds to earlier interpretive traditions; second, the ways in which memory practices are formed and played out in the present.

Roper is also closely attentive to the question of what remembering the Great War might mean in the context of the transition towards post-memory. And implicit in both accounts is the question of whether post-memory – remembrance and family history when former participants are no longer alive – is a generative space for new understandings relevant to the present, or merely the work of politicised, diluted, and sentimentalised public imagination. Roper answers this question by attending to the complex connections and separations between those who participated, and those family members whose lives were later indirectly shaped by conflict. One important aspect here is the impact of public commemoration practices and state agendas on family routines and modes of recollection. The implications of this approach are far reaching. Roper argues that private and public memories are much more porous than they might at first appear. This theme is developed towards the end of Afterlives of War.

Both Curating the Great War and Afterlives of War also give explanations of how and why national narratives of the 1914–18 conflict differ by place. Roper describes in detail a 2016 meeting between twenty-three German and British subjects with a First World War family history. These sessions used family objects as prompts to explore how war memories passed across generations and between family members. The resulting typology of twenty-first century war remembering includes the need to bear and make memories, to learn from the past, to break silences, and the need to restore humanity. Such grass roots insights give a sense of family members as active rememberers and interpreters of relatives’ lives, of community, and of national pasts. Cornish and Saunders concentrate on a different aspect of state narratives, namely, the struggle for control of memory between governing authorities who, past and present, have claimed the conflict to strengthen patriotic sentiment and identity. The editors also identify some notable exceptions to this nationalist agenda including the Gallipoli: The scale of war exhibition at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, discussed further below. One mature student I taught in 2024 told me, in class – referring to UK commemorative campaigns at the hundredth anniversary, ‘I had to live through that shit for four years. You couldn't escape it even if you wanted to’. Nevertheless, the United Kingdom also effectively challenged its own sense of the past, at least sometimes, and in some places, as Stephen Dixon notes in his excellent chapter on collaborative memorial-making.

While Cornish and Saunders note the range of commemorative and remembrance practices across institutions, Roper links national narratives to family and communal remembering. The author notes for instance that the death of Erich Kästner (1900–2008), believed to be the last surviving German or Austrian veteran of the First World War, was all but absent from the public sphere, not only because Germany did not maintain active records. Equally, no German 1914–18 national memorial was constructed. German interest in the First World War was substantial, but highly ambivalent. Above all, Nazi manipulation of the ‘front fighter’ image contributed to the decision for no central commemoration at the hundredth anniversary. As Roper notes too, state funding reflects differences of attitudes towards the conflict, and towards the role of remembrance. Anxieties at the revival of extremist nationalism, and reluctance to fuel anti-European feeling around the time of the Brexit referendum, led Germany to spend three and a half million Euro. Britain's Conservative government, stressing remembrance and citizenship duties of service, sacrifice, and unity, allocated fifty million pounds. Australia, where national identity remains deeply invested in the Anzac legend, devoted five hundred and sixty-two million dollars. More than all other nation states put together. Many historians felt ambivalent about their role in such commemorations. In Australia, there was noticeable criticism of a trend also present elsewhere: sentimentalization, parochialism, pity and mourning to match the twenty-first century ‘age of trauma’, all of which amounted in some eyes to a regrettable ‘memory orgy’.

Yet, as both the accounts under review show, descendants in Britain, Australia, and in many other states did not necessarily agree with or accept state-funded campaigns. In the same way, some artists, curators, and historians sought to complicate and rethink the meanings of the First World War. Images of the conflict evolved between 2014 and 2018. The early ‘memory orgies’ failed because sensibility and values shifted across successive generations. In Roper's argument, the presence and engagement of descendants became increasingly important over the four years of the hundredth anniversary. Descendant stories disrupted long-held interpretations. The Anzac myth, for example, was challenged by descendants’ accounts of established German communities detained and deported from Australia. Several chapters in Curating the Great War also describe exhibitions that strongly challenged existing interpretation. Two exhibitions are worth describing in more detail also as examples of imaginative curatorial and artistic reinvention in the twenty-first century. The form and content of both exhibitions support Roper's argument for reciprocal interaction between private and public memory.

The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa's Gallipoli: the scale of our war, for example, incorporated into its opening a pōwhiri (Māori welcome) and blessing. Small groups were then invited to explore the eight hyper-real sculptures, each two and a half times larger than life, that were the interpretive core of the exhibition. The remainder of the show incorporated five thematic galleries, presented for the most part from a New Zealand perspective. Opening on 18 April 2015, the exhibition has to date run for almost ten years. Over three million visited the exhibition by February 2020. The familiarity of Anzac Day and the Anzac legend, and the fresh approach to the subject taken by the museum, partly accounts for this popularity. Kirstie Ross, Papa Te employee and curatorial lead on the exhibition, reports in her essay that the ‘pervasive mnemonic culture’ of New Zealand helped give the exhibition its mass appeal. Ross gives us an absorbing account of the exhibition that also fulfils the editors’ intention to show how exhibition making happens in the twenty-first century. In this case by a radical humanization and naming of the figures rather than the more usual anonymisation of the conflict and concentration on material objects. Hence the careful choice of eight individuals who were the subjects of the sculptures, and the close collaboration with living relatives. This approach also echoes Roper's claim that descendants helped inform and shape public commemoration. The question of who should be included in the exhibition, a point of disagreement between the curators, led to the inclusion of two Māori, one Australian, and five Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent). Again, such inclusive approaches are not new to the recollection of the 1914–18 conflict, but they do suggest how curatorial practice and present-day concerns continually reframe understandings of the past. Gallipoli is a characteristically immersive and visitor-centric example of the ‘new museology’. Ross helpfully names the qualities that contemporary museum visitors find most engaging: connection, emotion, authenticity, multi-sensory engagement, and space for reflection. Such exhibitions show too what can be achieved when these attributes are matched with strong historical research and technical skill.

The Sensory War, 1914–2014 (Manchester Art Gallery, Oct 2014 – Feb 2015), is a second exhibition that was both challenging and successful in the eyes of its twenty-first century audiences. Here too, all of Ross's key qualities are present. The exhibition also noticeably avoided the more partisan tone taken by some political and media commentators in Britain. There was also a conspicuous inclusiveness in its vision of the conflict. As Ana Carden-Coyne's key chapter on the exhibition points out, curators, historians, and public questioned a return to the triumphalist renditions of the war that drew on the memory politics of the interwar era, and that tended to reproduce the nationalist agendas seen in Australia and elsewhere. Rather, The Sensory War was a conscious attempt to push against previous generational understandings, seeking instead a new relevance beyond what Roper refers to as the time-bound codes and cultures of earlier generations. Roper's key example here – visible in displays and commentaries on the conflict and audible in his interviews – is the value participants and their children placed on dampening down and limiting expression of emotions as a necessity in everyday coping. By contrast, later descendants place greater value on open expression and emotional engagement. Stephen Dixon in his essay on collaborative memorial making names some of the high-profile examples that matched their moment, including War Rooms (2015) by Cornelia Parker and Danny Boyle's Pages of the Sea (2018). For Carden-Coyne, the incorporation of creative artistic practice into museum exhibition was essential because artists can engage audiences ‘as conduits for communities to shape meaning, heal trauma and foster deep contemplation through creativity and imagination’. The value of creative engagements and practices is obvious when addressing emotive, living themes so deeply embedded in family and communal experience as well as in living memory. In the case of The Sensory War, a group of ten themes guided the exhibition: Militarising Bodies, Manufacturing War; Female Factories; Aerial Warfare and the Sensation of Flight; Pain and Succour; Rupture and Rehabilitation; Embodied Ruins; Shocking the Senses; Bombing, Burning and Distant War; Chemical War and the Toxic Imaginary; and Ghostlands: Loss, Memory, and Resilience. Across the five months the exhibition was open, it attracted 203,000 visitors.

Finally, Curating the Great War and Afterlives of War allow us space for more direct reflection on commemorative practices at the 100th Anniversary within civil society, as well as in the more intimate setting of personal and family memory. Dominiek Dendooven of the In Flanders Field Museum, Ypres, like Kirstie Ross and Ana Carden-Coyne, stresses the necessity of commemoration meaningful to the present, as well as the need for ‘cosmopolitan’ or ethical forms of remembrance. One example is the Museum's decision to reflect on the humanitarian emergency of 2015–16, when hundreds of thousands of refugees crossing the Mediterranean, through a comparison with Belgian refugees at the start of the First World War. Despite the criticism and abuse aimed at the In Flanders Field Museum as a result, such cosmopolitan and contemplative approaches remain more persuasive than, for example, military battle reenactments. Dendooven argues such events are pretentious, deceitful, and by nature antagonistic.

Ethical and contemplative commemoration here seems much closer to the everyday life remembering explored in Afterlives of War. Roper notes the widespread use of ‘proximate stories’ that may not strictly match known events within the history of a family, but that nevertheless convey descendants’ constructed understandings. When parents refuse to speak or explain, descendants are still compelled to find compensation for the puzzlement of not knowing. They use proximate stories to fill in the blanks of the past. The diagnostic category ‘PTSD’ is likewise widely deployed since, as Roper puts it, ‘Trauma discourse made intuitive sense to the members of a “post” generation’. Descendants, in other words, make the histories that life experience forces upon them. Roper's wider point, supported by many of the examples in Curating the Great War, is that ‘professional’ or public histories are not apart from personal and family pasts. Nor do civic, family, and personal memory cultures simply flow from sender to receiver. Rather, memory formations continually reshape each other through both public commemorations and the lived experience of descendants.

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History
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