党派选区划分潜力的不对称性

IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Nicholas Goedert, Robert Hildebrand, Laurel Travis, Matt Pierson
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文研究了美国众议院在各州可能出现的党派选区划分的有效性。我们使用启发式算法生成选区地图,以优化多个目标,包括紧凑性、党派利益和竞争力。虽然党派选区划分对双方都非常有效,但我们发现,在对紧凑性或党派利益进行优化时,大多数州都适度偏向共和党,这意味着共和党的选区划分有可能更加有效。然而,我们也发现,人口更稠密、西班牙裔人口更多的州所表现出的共和党偏向甚至民主党偏向更少。此外,我们还发现,几乎在所有情况下,我们都能通过混合目标函数生成合理紧凑的地图,而对党派目标的牺牲很小。这表明,既紧凑又有利于一党的隐形党派选区划分具有很大的潜力。在全国范围内,即使同时寻求紧凑型选区,党派选区划分也能在美国众议院中动摇 100 多个席位。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。

Asymmetries in Potential for Partisan Gerrymandering

Asymmetries in Potential for Partisan Gerrymandering

This article investigates the effectiveness of potential partisan gerrymandering of the US House of Representatives across a range of states. We use a heuristic algorithm to generate district maps that optimize for multiple objectives, including compactness, partisan benefit, and competitiveness. While partisan gerrymandering is highly effective for both sides, we find that the majority of states are moderately biased toward Republicans when optimized for either compactness or partisan benefit, meaning that Republican gerrymanders have the potential to be more effective. However, we also find that more densely populated and more heavily Hispanic states show less Republican bias or even Democratic bias. Additionally, we find that in almost all cases we can generate reasonably compact maps with very little sacrifice to partisan objectives through a mixed-objective function. This suggests that there is a strong potential for stealth partisan gerrymanders that are both compact and beneficial to one party. Nationwide, partisan gerrymandering is capable of swinging over 100 seats in the US House, even when compact districts are simultaneously sought.

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来源期刊
Legislative Studies Quarterly
Legislative Studies Quarterly POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
2.60
自引率
13.30%
发文量
36
期刊介绍: The Legislative Studies Quarterly is an international journal devoted to the publication of research on representative assemblies. Its purpose is to disseminate scholarly work on parliaments and legislatures, their relations to other political institutions, their functions in the political system, and the activities of their members both within the institution and outside. Contributions are invited from scholars in all countries. The pages of the Quarterly are open to all research approaches consistent with the normal canons of scholarship, and to work on representative assemblies in all settings and all time periods. The aim of the journal is to contribute to the formulation and verification of general theories about legislative systems, processes, and behavior.
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