西方 "小型 "技术在中东的传播:M. Kupferschmidt 著《19 世纪和 20 世纪的发明、使用和需求》(评论)

IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE
Leor Halevi
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Kupferschmidt refers to them as “small” in quotation marks—to distinguish them from massive projects such as railways and hydroelectric dams, the construction of which depended, as Daniel Headrick argues in <em>The Tentacles of Progress</em> (1988), on imperial states’ core political and economic interests. But how should we think historically about the transregional and transcultural diffusion of everyday technologies, as well as novelties in cases where, despite Western dominance, imperialism was hardly at stake? Alongside social anthropologists and multinational marketing researchers, historians of technology and world trade have answered this question in various ways, illustrating the dynamics of the rejection, adoption, and spread of innovations in colonial and postcolonial states. Many of these scholars have emphasized cultural differences and adaptations. Kupferschmidt does the same, highlighting cultural factors when theorizing about the success or failure of diffusion in the Middle East.</p> <p>He contributes to this field through fascinating case studies of objects that have received little attention in a Middle Eastern context. He examines a transimperial department store chain, Orosdi-Back, which Jewish businessmen of Austro-Hungarian descent launched in Istanbul and Cairo in the 1850s. As well as fezzes, umbrellas, and watches, it exported ready-to-wear clothing from European factories to branches in “the Orient.” Additionally, Kupferschmidt refers to the usefulness and impact of four tools: eyeglasses, sewing machines, typewriters, and pianos. Why, he asks, did Arab and Turkish consumers adopt eyeglasses and sewing machines readily but typewriters gradually and pianos minimally? Mass-produced “reading” glasses and sewing machines met both social and professional needs, allowing adults suffering from presbyopia or gender discrimination to engage in “delicate work.” Facilitating their commercial success, too, were advertisements, novel marketing strategies, foreign brokers, minority retailers, and elite adopters.</p> <p>Culture was a barrier to rapid diffusion in the other two cases. Kupfer-schmidt shows what incremental innovations were needed to adapt mechanical typewriters to Arabic and Ottoman-Turkish scripts around 1900. Besides <strong>[End Page 996]</strong> beginning and final letters, cursive ligatures were expected; the obvious solution to the need for extra characters was an instrument with two shift keys and three-character typebars. Pianos were less adaptable. One challenge to diffusion was that the standard Western model was “unsuitable” to Arab music, the <em>maqam</em> melodic system, with its microtonal scales and variations. Several “Oriental” models were developed by 1932, but “even the young Umm Kulthum failed to harmonize her singing with the innovative instrument” (p. 87). Furthermore, unlike fiddles, which <em>maqam</em> bands could afford and take from coffeeshop to coffeeshop, pianos were expensive and difficult to transport.</p> <p>A mix of previously published and unpublished chapters, the book has the charming quality of a project that grew by happenstance as the author encountered morsels of evidence. But it is not clear why and how he chose his four cases. What is each an example of? How would our impressions of diffusion change if Kupferschmidt had focused instead on, say, violins, bicycles, cotton gins, and firearms? Several times he laments the lack of reliable evidence and statistical data to understand better how far imports spread in society. Much more evidence can presumably be found in probate inventories and dowry lists. The choice to concentrate on the private sector and personal goods is fine, but it seems artificial to address the diffusion of light bulbs and cars in connection with batteries and unpaved roads when there were contemporary infrastructure developments. As Rudolf Mrázek’s <em>Engineers of Happy Land</em> (2002) suggests, the boundary between personal and public technologies was not that hard and fast.</p> <p>The other boundary that seems porous is between cultures. Egypt’s cities had a significant...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":49446,"journal":{"name":"Technology and Culture","volume":"304 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Diffusion of \\\"Small\\\" Western Technologies in the Middle East: Invention, Use and Need in the 19th and 20th Centuries by M. 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Kupferschmidt refers to them as “small” in quotation marks—to distinguish them from massive projects such as railways and hydroelectric dams, the construction of which depended, as Daniel Headrick argues in <em>The Tentacles of Progress</em> (1988), on imperial states’ core political and economic interests. But how should we think historically about the transregional and transcultural diffusion of everyday technologies, as well as novelties in cases where, despite Western dominance, imperialism was hardly at stake? Alongside social anthropologists and multinational marketing researchers, historians of technology and world trade have answered this question in various ways, illustrating the dynamics of the rejection, adoption, and spread of innovations in colonial and postcolonial states. Many of these scholars have emphasized cultural differences and adaptations. Kupferschmidt does the same, highlighting cultural factors when theorizing about the success or failure of diffusion in the Middle East.</p> <p>He contributes to this field through fascinating case studies of objects that have received little attention in a Middle Eastern context. He examines a transimperial department store chain, Orosdi-Back, which Jewish businessmen of Austro-Hungarian descent launched in Istanbul and Cairo in the 1850s. As well as fezzes, umbrellas, and watches, it exported ready-to-wear clothing from European factories to branches in “the Orient.” Additionally, Kupferschmidt refers to the usefulness and impact of four tools: eyeglasses, sewing machines, typewriters, and pianos. Why, he asks, did Arab and Turkish consumers adopt eyeglasses and sewing machines readily but typewriters gradually and pianos minimally? Mass-produced “reading” glasses and sewing machines met both social and professional needs, allowing adults suffering from presbyopia or gender discrimination to engage in “delicate work.” Facilitating their commercial success, too, were advertisements, novel marketing strategies, foreign brokers, minority retailers, and elite adopters.</p> <p>Culture was a barrier to rapid diffusion in the other two cases. Kupfer-schmidt shows what incremental innovations were needed to adapt mechanical typewriters to Arabic and Ottoman-Turkish scripts around 1900. Besides <strong>[End Page 996]</strong> beginning and final letters, cursive ligatures were expected; the obvious solution to the need for extra characters was an instrument with two shift keys and three-character typebars. Pianos were less adaptable. One challenge to diffusion was that the standard Western model was “unsuitable” to Arab music, the <em>maqam</em> melodic system, with its microtonal scales and variations. Several “Oriental” models were developed by 1932, but “even the young Umm Kulthum failed to harmonize her singing with the innovative instrument” (p. 87). Furthermore, unlike fiddles, which <em>maqam</em> bands could afford and take from coffeeshop to coffeeshop, pianos were expensive and difficult to transport.</p> <p>A mix of previously published and unpublished chapters, the book has the charming quality of a project that grew by happenstance as the author encountered morsels of evidence. But it is not clear why and how he chose his four cases. What is each an example of? How would our impressions of diffusion change if Kupferschmidt had focused instead on, say, violins, bicycles, cotton gins, and firearms? Several times he laments the lack of reliable evidence and statistical data to understand better how far imports spread in society. Much more evidence can presumably be found in probate inventories and dowry lists. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

评论者: 西方 "小型 "技术在中东的传播:M. Kupferschmidt 著 Leor Halevi (bio) The Diffusion of "Small" Western Technologies in the Middle East: Invention, Use and Need in the 19th and 20th Centuries by Uri M. Kupferschmidt:19 世纪和 20 世纪西方 "小型 "技术在中东的传播:发明、使用和需求 作者:Uri M. Kupferschmidt。柏林:De Gruyter Oldenbourg,2023 年。第 xii + 278 页。本书介绍了科技物品从欧洲和美国向伊斯坦布尔、开罗和其他中东城市的转移。这些物品的大小从袜子、灯泡到钢琴和汽车不等。库普费施密特用引号将它们称为 "小型",以区别于铁路和水电大坝等大型项目,正如丹尼尔-海德里克(Daniel Headrick)在《进步的触角》(The Tentacles of Progress,1988 年)一书中所论述的,这些项目的建设取决于帝国国家的核心政治和经济利益。但是,对于日常技术的跨地区和跨文化传播,以及在尽管西方占主导地位但帝国主义几乎没有受到威胁的情况下出现的新技术,我们应该如何进行历史性思考呢?与社会人类学家和跨国营销研究人员一样,技术和世界贸易史学家也以不同的方式回答了这个问题,他们展示了创新在殖民地和后殖民国家被拒绝、采用和传播的动态过程。其中许多学者都强调了文化差异和适应性。库普费施密特也是如此,他在论述中东地区传播的成败时强调了文化因素。他通过对中东地区鲜有人关注的物品进行精彩的案例研究,为这一领域做出了贡献。他研究了奥匈帝国后裔的犹太商人于十九世纪五十年代在伊斯坦布尔和开罗创办的跨帝国连锁百货公司--奥罗斯迪-巴克(Orosdi-Back)。除了羽绒服、雨伞和手表外,它还从欧洲工厂向 "东方 "的分店出口成衣。此外,库普费施密特还提到了眼镜、缝纫机、打字机和钢琴这四种工具的作用和影响。他问道,为什么阿拉伯和土耳其的消费者很容易接受眼镜和缝纫机,而打字机却逐渐被接受,钢琴则很少被接受?批量生产的 "阅读 "眼镜和缝纫机满足了社会和职业需求,使患有老花眼或受到性别歧视的成年人能够从事 "精细工作"。广告、新颖的营销策略、外国经纪人、少数零售商和精英采用者也促进了它们在商业上的成功。而在另外两个案例中,文化则是快速推广的障碍。库普费尔-施密特(Kupfer-schmidt)展示了在 1900 年前后将机械打字机改装成阿拉伯文和奥斯曼土耳其文所需的渐进式创新。除了 [End Page 996] 开头字母和结尾字母外,还需要草书连字符;解决额外字符需求的显而易见的办法是配备两个移位键和三个字符的字条。钢琴的适应性较差。推广过程中遇到的一个挑战是,标准的西方模式 "不适合 "阿拉伯音乐,即具有微调音阶和变奏的马卡姆旋律系统。到 1932 年,几种 "东方 "模式被开发出来,但 "即使是年轻的乌姆-库尔图姆(Umm Kulthum)也未能将她的歌唱与创新乐器协调起来"(第 87 页)。此外,与小提琴不同的是,咖啡馆乐队买得起小提琴,也能从一家咖啡馆带到另一家咖啡馆,但钢琴价格昂贵,难以运输。本书由以前出版的章节和未出版的章节组成,具有作者偶然发现一些证据而逐渐形成的项目的魅力。但我们并不清楚作者为何以及如何选择这四个案例。每个案例是什么?如果库普费施密特关注的是小提琴、自行车、轧棉机和枪支,我们对传播的印象会有什么变化?他多次感叹缺乏可靠的证据和统计数据来更好地了解舶来品在社会中的传播程度。在遗嘱清册和嫁妆清单中大概可以找到更多的证据。选择将重点放在私营部门和个人物品上并无不妥,但在当代基础设施发展的情况下,将灯泡和汽车的传播与电池和未铺设路面的道路联系起来讨论似乎有些矫揉造作。正如鲁道夫-莫拉泽克(Rudolf Mrázek)的《幸福之地的工程师》(2002 年)一书所指出的,个人技术与公共技术之间的界限并不那么严格。另一个看似松散的界限是文化之间的界限。埃及的城市有一个重要的...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Diffusion of "Small" Western Technologies in the Middle East: Invention, Use and Need in the 19th and 20th Centuries by M. Kupferschmidt (review)

Reviewed by:

  • The Diffusion of “Small” Western Technologies in the Middle East: Invention, Use and Need in the 19th and 20th Centuries by M. Kupferschmidt
  • Leor Halevi (bio)
The Diffusion of “Small” Western Technologies in the Middle East: Invention, Use and Need in the 19th and 20th Centuries
By Uri M. Kupferschmidt. Berlin: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2023. Pp. xii + 278.

This book deals with the transfer of technological objects from Europe and the United States to Istanbul, Cairo, and other Middle Eastern cities. In size, these objects range from socks and light bulbs to pianos and cars. Kupferschmidt refers to them as “small” in quotation marks—to distinguish them from massive projects such as railways and hydroelectric dams, the construction of which depended, as Daniel Headrick argues in The Tentacles of Progress (1988), on imperial states’ core political and economic interests. But how should we think historically about the transregional and transcultural diffusion of everyday technologies, as well as novelties in cases where, despite Western dominance, imperialism was hardly at stake? Alongside social anthropologists and multinational marketing researchers, historians of technology and world trade have answered this question in various ways, illustrating the dynamics of the rejection, adoption, and spread of innovations in colonial and postcolonial states. Many of these scholars have emphasized cultural differences and adaptations. Kupferschmidt does the same, highlighting cultural factors when theorizing about the success or failure of diffusion in the Middle East.

He contributes to this field through fascinating case studies of objects that have received little attention in a Middle Eastern context. He examines a transimperial department store chain, Orosdi-Back, which Jewish businessmen of Austro-Hungarian descent launched in Istanbul and Cairo in the 1850s. As well as fezzes, umbrellas, and watches, it exported ready-to-wear clothing from European factories to branches in “the Orient.” Additionally, Kupferschmidt refers to the usefulness and impact of four tools: eyeglasses, sewing machines, typewriters, and pianos. Why, he asks, did Arab and Turkish consumers adopt eyeglasses and sewing machines readily but typewriters gradually and pianos minimally? Mass-produced “reading” glasses and sewing machines met both social and professional needs, allowing adults suffering from presbyopia or gender discrimination to engage in “delicate work.” Facilitating their commercial success, too, were advertisements, novel marketing strategies, foreign brokers, minority retailers, and elite adopters.

Culture was a barrier to rapid diffusion in the other two cases. Kupfer-schmidt shows what incremental innovations were needed to adapt mechanical typewriters to Arabic and Ottoman-Turkish scripts around 1900. Besides [End Page 996] beginning and final letters, cursive ligatures were expected; the obvious solution to the need for extra characters was an instrument with two shift keys and three-character typebars. Pianos were less adaptable. One challenge to diffusion was that the standard Western model was “unsuitable” to Arab music, the maqam melodic system, with its microtonal scales and variations. Several “Oriental” models were developed by 1932, but “even the young Umm Kulthum failed to harmonize her singing with the innovative instrument” (p. 87). Furthermore, unlike fiddles, which maqam bands could afford and take from coffeeshop to coffeeshop, pianos were expensive and difficult to transport.

A mix of previously published and unpublished chapters, the book has the charming quality of a project that grew by happenstance as the author encountered morsels of evidence. But it is not clear why and how he chose his four cases. What is each an example of? How would our impressions of diffusion change if Kupferschmidt had focused instead on, say, violins, bicycles, cotton gins, and firearms? Several times he laments the lack of reliable evidence and statistical data to understand better how far imports spread in society. Much more evidence can presumably be found in probate inventories and dowry lists. The choice to concentrate on the private sector and personal goods is fine, but it seems artificial to address the diffusion of light bulbs and cars in connection with batteries and unpaved roads when there were contemporary infrastructure developments. As Rudolf Mrázek’s Engineers of Happy Land (2002) suggests, the boundary between personal and public technologies was not that hard and fast.

The other boundary that seems porous is between cultures. Egypt’s cities had a significant...

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来源期刊
Technology and Culture
Technology and Culture 社会科学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
14.30%
发文量
225
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: Technology and Culture, the preeminent journal of the history of technology, draws on scholarship in diverse disciplines to publish insightful pieces intended for general readers as well as specialists. Subscribers include scientists, engineers, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, museum curators, archivists, scholars, librarians, educators, historians, and many others. In addition to scholarly essays, each issue features 30-40 book reviews and reviews of new museum exhibitions. To illuminate important debates and draw attention to specific topics, the journal occasionally publishes thematic issues. Technology and Culture is the official journal of the Society for the History of Technology (SHOT).
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