评论 "东盟经济一体化:应对挑战,迎接机遇" 发表评论

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS
Marcus Noland
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引用次数: 0

摘要

最初的东盟五国(新加坡、马来西亚、泰国、印度尼西亚和菲律宾)是继台湾和韩国之后的第二波亚洲改革经济体。最终,石油出口国文莱和四个收入较低的经济体越南、老挝、柬埔寨和缅甸加入了东盟五国,形成了目前的东盟成员国。技术和政策的进步支持了跨境价值链的崛起,加上毗邻中国,中国已成为东盟的枢纽,东盟经济体从中受益。自 1995 年以来,有明显的证据表明,各成员国的人均水平趋于一致,但目前还不清楚这在多大程度上反映了国内政策改革刺激下的简单追赶过程,以及在多大程度上可以归因于东盟成员资格本身。电子和汽车行业在这一过程中表现突出。与传统内燃汽车相比,电动汽车使用的零部件更少,因此,向电动汽车的转变将意味着结构调整,并可能减少跨境交流。同样,美国、欧盟、日本和其他国家不断加强的产业政策干预也将影响半导体产业和更广泛的电子产品的结构。未来,这些区域供应链网络将受到中国政策和中国在全球经济中的作用的影响。Park(2024 年)的结论部分描述了东盟面临的一些政策议程、取得的一些成功以及尚未实现的一些成功。其中隐含着该组织从一开始就面临的基本挑战:一个多元化的组织在解决集体行动问题时,能在多大程度上采用一种以共识为基础、几乎没有正式结构的模式?朴槿惠认为,"在成员国中执行东盟经济共同体的承诺应是该地区的首要任务",但却没有谈到如何才能做到这一点。例如,东盟能否对全球变暖这一可说是我们这个时代的生存问题形成一致的地区对策?东盟有意避开了欧盟的法律-官僚模式,但人们不禁要问,在某些时候,是否需要更具约束力的义务和执行机制?这种模式是否足以应对未来?如果不是,东盟如何建立适当的机构?考虑到成员国的多样性,多速承诺(以及可能的强制执行津贴)或特殊和差别待遇又能发挥什么作用呢?我的猜测是,大部分政策改革议程可以在没有区域合作的情况下实施。哪些关键问题是地区承诺的关键?即使大部分议程可以单方面实施,但这并不意味着东盟不能发挥作用。示范效应很重要。20 世纪 60 年代末,新加坡开始了大范围的改革,那是在观察了台湾和韩国类似改革的影响之后。新加坡随后的经验成为东盟五国其他经济体改革的典范。同样,它们的经验也成为印度支那较贫穷国家改革者的指路明灯。Park 提到了东盟在各种政策问题上的一系列举措。即使这些具体计划不是特别有效,但只要让国家层面的政策制定者和政治家们了解其他地方的同行们在做什么,就会产生巨大的影响。从这个意义上说,分析国家层面的改革和地区承诺的相对影响可能既困难又最终无足轻重。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Comment on “ASEAN Economic Integration: Addressing Challenges and Embracing Opportunities”

Park (2024) is an accessible overview of the current state of ASEAN, focusing on issues relating to trade integration and the role of regional and global value chains, with particular attention paid to the role of China.

The original ASEAN-5 (Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines) constituted the second wave of Asian reforming economies, following in the wake of Taiwan and South Korea. Eventually they were joined by oil exporter Brunei, and four lower income economies, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar, forming the current ASEAN membership.

The ASEAN economies have generally performed well relative to comparators globally. They have benefitted from technological and policy advances which have supported the rise of cross-border value chains and their proximity to China, which has emerged as a hub. Since 1995, there is clear evidence of convergence in per capita across the membership, though it unclear to what this reflects a simple catch-up process stimulated by domestic policy reforms, and to what extent it can be ascribed to membership in ASEAN per se.

Whatever the impetus, Park documents a clear deepening of regional integration, much of it associated with regional supply chains linked to China. The electronics and automotive sectors have been prominent in this process. ASEAN will presumably remain important in automobiles and parts, through the shift to electric vehicles, which use fewer parts than conventional internal combustion vehicles, will imply a restructuring and possibly a diminution of cross-border exchange. Similarly, increasing industrial policy interventions by the United States, European Union, Japan, and others will affect the structure of the semiconductor industry and electronics more broadly. Moving forward, these regional supply chain networks will be affected by both China's policies and that country's role in the global economy.

Park's (2024) concluding section describes some of the policy agenda that ASEAN faces, some of its successes, and some successes that have yet to be realized. Implicit is the basic challenge that the group has faced from the start: how far can a diverse organization go in addressing collective action problems with a model based on consensus with little formal structure? Park observes that “enforcing AEC commitments among the member state should be the region's top priority,” but does not address how that might be done.

For example, can ASEAN form a coherent regional response to global warming, arguably the existential issue of our time? ASEAN has deliberately eschewed the legal-bureaucratic model of the European Union, but one wonders if at some point, more binding obligations and enforcement mechanisms are necessary. Is this model adequate for the future? If not, how does ASEAN build adequate institutions? Given the membership's diversity, what role is there for multi-speed commitments (and potentially enforcement allowances) or special and differential treatment?

One way to think about this conundrum would be to separate out policy reforms that can be formulated and implemented at the national level and those that truly require regional commitment. My guess is that much of the policy reform agenda can be implemented without regional cooperation. What are the critical issues for which regional commitments are key?

Even as it turns out that much of the agenda can be implemented unilaterally, that does not mean that ASEAN does not have a role to play. Demonstration effects matter. When Singapore began wide-ranging reforms in the late 1960s, it was after observing the impact of similar reforms in Taiwan and South Korea. Singapore's subsequent experience became a model for reforms undertaken in the other ASEAN-5 economies. Likewise, their experiences became the beacon for would-be reformers in the poorer countries of Indochina.

Park mentions an array of ASEAN initiatives across a variety of policy issues. Even if these specific plans are not particularly efficacious, the simple exposure of national level policymakers and politicians to what their counterparts elsewhere are doing could have great impact. In that sense, parsing the relative impact of national level reforms and regional commitments may be both difficult, and ultimately, inconsequential.

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来源期刊
CiteScore
12.90
自引率
2.60%
发文量
39
期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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