学者行动主义与土地斗争》,小萨托尼诺-M-博拉斯、珍妮弗-C-佛朗哥著,拉格比:实践行动出版社。2023. pp.49.94英镑(精装本)/17.95英镑(印刷本)。ISBN: 978-1-78853-258-7, 978-1-78853-257-0.

IF 2.4 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
Kranthi Nanduri
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The book is divided into four chapters, which provide the reader with an understanding of competing views on agrarian politics in general and land politics in particular. It mainly discusses how ‘scholar-activism is a way of working that tries to change society by combining the best features of radical academic and political activist traditions, despite the many contradictions and challenges that this entails’ (p. 1). It engages with the potential role of scholar-activists in shaping future political and research agendas to attain agrarian and social justice.</p><p>The struggle for access to land is at the heart of struggles for agrarian justice and, by extension, social justice. Therefore, the book locates land struggles within the broader narrative of rural agrarian transformations, which hold the key to understanding how power structures form and change over time, shaping historical and social relations around land. It discusses how the contemporary global land rush is accelerating the pace of land grabbing in diverse forms. It includes attacks not only on agricultural lands but also on indigenous community lands and rural non-agricultural spaces, urban agriculture and urban non-agriculture lands required for economic production and social reproduction in the north and south, which are not commonly discussed in agrarian politics. In most cases, the state acts as a broker and exerts extra-economic coercion to facilitate capital accumulation processes in the name of development. Land grabbing is also legitimized through the purchase and sale of land through markets under the pretexts of productivity and economic efficiency. Given the diverse mechanisms of land grabbing, the face and form of the land grabbers or the key reactionary classes also extend beyond the landlords or agribusiness plantation owners to individual land buyers, land mafias and domestic and transnational corporate land grabbers. Borras and Franco emphasize that there is an urgent need to interpret the changing social dynamics with existing and new analytical tools and change the course of these dynamics to create a ‘more just, fairer, and kinder world’ (p. 1). This requires agrarian scholar-activists to take an unapologetic and explicit bias towards the oppressed classes and social groups ‘embedded in class and co-constitutive relations of race, ethnicity, gender, caste, generation, religion, and nationality’ (p. 10) who face unfair treatment and social exclusion in the ongoing accumulation processes.</p><p>Scholar-activism is not a homogenous category, and it comprises a broad spectrum of radical thinkers to political activists who do activist work or are connected to political projects. Broadly based on their institutions, the book identifies three types of scholar-activists principally based in (a) academic institutions, (b) non-academic independent research institutions, and (c) social movements or political projects. Often, these categories overlap, and boundaries are blurred. The interplay between these actors is crucial to knowledge generation and political action, but it is not well-researched. The book presents different perspectives from the existing literature on what constitutes scholar-activism and who is a scholar-activist. It is a dynamic and fluid concept defined as relational, historical and cultural, that is, the idea of a scholar-activist cannot be rigidly defined in an ideal type of institution or time or political culture. The book leaves the reader with no unique definition of a scholar-activist but presents an analytical framework to form an understanding specific to context and time and a broad set of characteristics such as aspiring to do politically relevant research, take up organizing challenges themselves, or immerse in political movements and conduct research from within. It positions scholar-activism as a subset of radical scholarship.</p><p>Specific to agrarian scholar-activism, the book highlights the theoretical and analytical continuum between the competing views of orthodox Marxist traditions of class purism and Chayanovian traditions of agrarian populism. The interaction among scholar-activists operating from different institutional locations and theoretical positions creates potential synergies and tensions that manifest into agrarian movements. The authors pitch for agrarian scholar-activists to find in each other political allies committed to the cause of agrarian justice and continue the struggles by taking inspiration from imperfect political formulations instead of backing away from the tensions and social movements.</p><p>A closer and continuous engagement between scholar-activists and agrarian movements is crucial to counter the hegemony of capitalist narratives and build anti-capitalist solidarity and alliances. The authors caution the reader that not all social movements are necessarily anti-capitalist, and there are variations even in articulating anti-capitalist struggles. Scholar-activists need to identify their ideological positions to forge necessary political alliances. Further, it is essential to locate hierarchies and differentiation within the agrarian movements (such as elite, cadres, militants, mass and base) to locate the ‘origin and representation of ideas emanating from a movement or sections of a movement’ (p. 7). One of the key takeaways for scholar-activists from the book is that while they look for ways to engage with established or organized movements, it is equally or more important to identify places where scholar activism is necessary but existing organizations are weak or nonexistent. Scholar-activist collectives can play a vital role in identifying these gaps in the organization of agrarian politics.</p><p>However, conducting scholar-activist research and organizing scholar-activist collectives require voluntary and additional efforts from scholar-activists beyond the existing research demands of their institutions. They are torn between the pressures of generating academically rigorous output dictated by the norms of their respective disciplines and politically rigorous research demanded by the political movements they are committed to. Often, the academically accepted research methods may not be adequate or appropriate to address issues raised by political movements and vice versa. Striking this balance and navigating scholar-activist research in neoliberal institutions can prove difficult and create workplace tensions. Scholar-activists usually find themselves at the margins of mainstream institutions. Further complicating individual research efforts, most research grants for academics or independent researchers are increasingly dictated by a neoliberal research agenda that systematically discourages politically explicit research that addresses agrarian and land politics questions. The twin processes of dwindling resources for public institutions, on the one hand, and the growing dominance of private universities and research think tanks that receive substantial amounts of research funding from large corporations or capitalist organizations, on the other hand, pose a unique challenge to conducting scholar-activist research within these very institutions that are party to various forms of agrarian and social injustice. The book highlights that the formation and successful operation of scholar-activist collectives outside neoliberal institutional spaces also face the challenges of funding and maintaining autonomy. However, it reminds the scholar-activists engaged in neoliberal institutions that they are entitled to a space in the academy which is both ‘a place of safety and a place of struggle’ (p. 117). Therefore, it may be difficult to pursue their research objectives given the constraints but it is not impossible due to the job security and access to the academy's resources which scholar activists outside such institutions lack. There is still a certain degree of tolerance and regard for scholar-activists within mainstream institutions as long as they can publish in peer-acknowledged and reputed journals. Often, these journals are highly ranked along a list of indicators with research objectives set up to further the neoliberal research agenda in the global north and give primacy to adopting rigorous research methods. Therefore, the onus of gaining acceptance of mainstream scholars and retaining their position within the mainstream institutions lies with scholar-activists through publishing their research in such journals. In order to publish their research in mainstream journals or other journals that are more accepting of radical scholarship and scholar-activist work as long as it is socially relevant and academically rigorous, scholar-activists need access to a wide range of resources. There exists a systemic inequality in access to ‘transformative knowledge generation, attribution, and use’ (p. 108) between the scholars from the global north and the global south and between the privileged and underprivileged scholars within these regions. In a way, the existing knowledge structures are also built to reproduce the global architecture of exploitation.</p><p>The authors also mention a word of caution to the scholar-activists who are pushed into the neoliberal race of publish or perish to be mindful of the tensions that arise from patenting or passing down the ideas emerging from the agrarian movements that are unpublished as their intellectual private property without giving the required due credit. This chapter is the strongest in the book that carefully articulates the complexity and the necessity of scholar-activism in the contemporary world.</p><p>In the final chapter, ‘What is to be done’, the book points out that scholar-activist organizations can play a critical role in bridging the existing knowledge gap and mutually empowering each other. Their aims should be clearly defined and incorporate the elements of access, equity and autonomy. The access to knowledge includes but is not limited to subscriptions to libraries, journals, books and other materials; research funds; access to English language editing and translation services for scholars whose primary language is not English; and all other services that are key to empowering researchers from the global south and those farther from the centers of knowledge in the global south. The scholar-activist organizations can provide a platform to collectively demand their rights to resources and ensure equitable distribution of benefits from technology and research networks. However, the scholar-activist organization must be more than a research network. It should be a ‘hub of intellectual-political imagination and creativity in an operationally polycentric manner’ (p. 102). It should aim to attain a critical mass of like-minded scholars equipped with the necessary skills and resources to do what they want—in other words, build a ‘high degree of autonomy and capacity’ (p. 107). Affirmative action and community building within and across the neoliberal institutional spaces should provide the basis for recruiting its members along the co-constitute axes of social differences. Further, another critical task of a scholar-activist organization is to insert itself into the web of power and not accept the exclusion from global knowledge networks by forging alliances of international solidarity despite all odds and costs.</p><p>The following statement from the book should be quoted here: ‘The traditionally marginalized and resource-poor social groups in academic and scholar-activist research work are not completely powerless and resourceless. They have each other, and when they come together, they can generate a global resource pool’ (p. 118).</p><p>This book is a reminder that land struggles should form a core of broader and systematic anti-capitalist struggles linking various class and sectoral struggles. It requires a combined effort from scholar-activists and political activists to generate transformative knowledge that can inform research agendas and political struggles to change the world, attain social justice and eradicate inequality. The authors should be commended for illustrating the inevitable challenges and tensions in building scholar-activist collectives and inspiring the upcoming generation of aspiring agrarian scholar-activists to find their path to struggle. It would have been more helpful to the reader if they had allotted another chapter/s in compiling case studies of agrarian scholar-activist collectives to highlight the diversity of context-specific challenges. Nonetheless, this book is a timely guide to agrarian scholar-activists and collectives.</p>","PeriodicalId":47678,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Agrarian Change","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4000,"publicationDate":"2024-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/joac.12599","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Scholar-activism and land struggles, By Saturnino M. Borras, Jennifer C. 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The book is divided into four chapters, which provide the reader with an understanding of competing views on agrarian politics in general and land politics in particular. It mainly discusses how ‘scholar-activism is a way of working that tries to change society by combining the best features of radical academic and political activist traditions, despite the many contradictions and challenges that this entails’ (p. 1). It engages with the potential role of scholar-activists in shaping future political and research agendas to attain agrarian and social justice.</p><p>The struggle for access to land is at the heart of struggles for agrarian justice and, by extension, social justice. Therefore, the book locates land struggles within the broader narrative of rural agrarian transformations, which hold the key to understanding how power structures form and change over time, shaping historical and social relations around land. It discusses how the contemporary global land rush is accelerating the pace of land grabbing in diverse forms. It includes attacks not only on agricultural lands but also on indigenous community lands and rural non-agricultural spaces, urban agriculture and urban non-agriculture lands required for economic production and social reproduction in the north and south, which are not commonly discussed in agrarian politics. In most cases, the state acts as a broker and exerts extra-economic coercion to facilitate capital accumulation processes in the name of development. Land grabbing is also legitimized through the purchase and sale of land through markets under the pretexts of productivity and economic efficiency. Given the diverse mechanisms of land grabbing, the face and form of the land grabbers or the key reactionary classes also extend beyond the landlords or agribusiness plantation owners to individual land buyers, land mafias and domestic and transnational corporate land grabbers. Borras and Franco emphasize that there is an urgent need to interpret the changing social dynamics with existing and new analytical tools and change the course of these dynamics to create a ‘more just, fairer, and kinder world’ (p. 1). This requires agrarian scholar-activists to take an unapologetic and explicit bias towards the oppressed classes and social groups ‘embedded in class and co-constitutive relations of race, ethnicity, gender, caste, generation, religion, and nationality’ (p. 10) who face unfair treatment and social exclusion in the ongoing accumulation processes.</p><p>Scholar-activism is not a homogenous category, and it comprises a broad spectrum of radical thinkers to political activists who do activist work or are connected to political projects. Broadly based on their institutions, the book identifies three types of scholar-activists principally based in (a) academic institutions, (b) non-academic independent research institutions, and (c) social movements or political projects. Often, these categories overlap, and boundaries are blurred. The interplay between these actors is crucial to knowledge generation and political action, but it is not well-researched. The book presents different perspectives from the existing literature on what constitutes scholar-activism and who is a scholar-activist. It is a dynamic and fluid concept defined as relational, historical and cultural, that is, the idea of a scholar-activist cannot be rigidly defined in an ideal type of institution or time or political culture. The book leaves the reader with no unique definition of a scholar-activist but presents an analytical framework to form an understanding specific to context and time and a broad set of characteristics such as aspiring to do politically relevant research, take up organizing challenges themselves, or immerse in political movements and conduct research from within. It positions scholar-activism as a subset of radical scholarship.</p><p>Specific to agrarian scholar-activism, the book highlights the theoretical and analytical continuum between the competing views of orthodox Marxist traditions of class purism and Chayanovian traditions of agrarian populism. The interaction among scholar-activists operating from different institutional locations and theoretical positions creates potential synergies and tensions that manifest into agrarian movements. The authors pitch for agrarian scholar-activists to find in each other political allies committed to the cause of agrarian justice and continue the struggles by taking inspiration from imperfect political formulations instead of backing away from the tensions and social movements.</p><p>A closer and continuous engagement between scholar-activists and agrarian movements is crucial to counter the hegemony of capitalist narratives and build anti-capitalist solidarity and alliances. The authors caution the reader that not all social movements are necessarily anti-capitalist, and there are variations even in articulating anti-capitalist struggles. Scholar-activists need to identify their ideological positions to forge necessary political alliances. Further, it is essential to locate hierarchies and differentiation within the agrarian movements (such as elite, cadres, militants, mass and base) to locate the ‘origin and representation of ideas emanating from a movement or sections of a movement’ (p. 7). One of the key takeaways for scholar-activists from the book is that while they look for ways to engage with established or organized movements, it is equally or more important to identify places where scholar activism is necessary but existing organizations are weak or nonexistent. Scholar-activist collectives can play a vital role in identifying these gaps in the organization of agrarian politics.</p><p>However, conducting scholar-activist research and organizing scholar-activist collectives require voluntary and additional efforts from scholar-activists beyond the existing research demands of their institutions. They are torn between the pressures of generating academically rigorous output dictated by the norms of their respective disciplines and politically rigorous research demanded by the political movements they are committed to. Often, the academically accepted research methods may not be adequate or appropriate to address issues raised by political movements and vice versa. Striking this balance and navigating scholar-activist research in neoliberal institutions can prove difficult and create workplace tensions. Scholar-activists usually find themselves at the margins of mainstream institutions. Further complicating individual research efforts, most research grants for academics or independent researchers are increasingly dictated by a neoliberal research agenda that systematically discourages politically explicit research that addresses agrarian and land politics questions. The twin processes of dwindling resources for public institutions, on the one hand, and the growing dominance of private universities and research think tanks that receive substantial amounts of research funding from large corporations or capitalist organizations, on the other hand, pose a unique challenge to conducting scholar-activist research within these very institutions that are party to various forms of agrarian and social injustice. The book highlights that the formation and successful operation of scholar-activist collectives outside neoliberal institutional spaces also face the challenges of funding and maintaining autonomy. However, it reminds the scholar-activists engaged in neoliberal institutions that they are entitled to a space in the academy which is both ‘a place of safety and a place of struggle’ (p. 117). Therefore, it may be difficult to pursue their research objectives given the constraints but it is not impossible due to the job security and access to the academy's resources which scholar activists outside such institutions lack. There is still a certain degree of tolerance and regard for scholar-activists within mainstream institutions as long as they can publish in peer-acknowledged and reputed journals. Often, these journals are highly ranked along a list of indicators with research objectives set up to further the neoliberal research agenda in the global north and give primacy to adopting rigorous research methods. Therefore, the onus of gaining acceptance of mainstream scholars and retaining their position within the mainstream institutions lies with scholar-activists through publishing their research in such journals. In order to publish their research in mainstream journals or other journals that are more accepting of radical scholarship and scholar-activist work as long as it is socially relevant and academically rigorous, scholar-activists need access to a wide range of resources. There exists a systemic inequality in access to ‘transformative knowledge generation, attribution, and use’ (p. 108) between the scholars from the global north and the global south and between the privileged and underprivileged scholars within these regions. In a way, the existing knowledge structures are also built to reproduce the global architecture of exploitation.</p><p>The authors also mention a word of caution to the scholar-activists who are pushed into the neoliberal race of publish or perish to be mindful of the tensions that arise from patenting or passing down the ideas emerging from the agrarian movements that are unpublished as their intellectual private property without giving the required due credit. This chapter is the strongest in the book that carefully articulates the complexity and the necessity of scholar-activism in the contemporary world.</p><p>In the final chapter, ‘What is to be done’, the book points out that scholar-activist organizations can play a critical role in bridging the existing knowledge gap and mutually empowering each other. Their aims should be clearly defined and incorporate the elements of access, equity and autonomy. The access to knowledge includes but is not limited to subscriptions to libraries, journals, books and other materials; research funds; access to English language editing and translation services for scholars whose primary language is not English; and all other services that are key to empowering researchers from the global south and those farther from the centers of knowledge in the global south. The scholar-activist organizations can provide a platform to collectively demand their rights to resources and ensure equitable distribution of benefits from technology and research networks. However, the scholar-activist organization must be more than a research network. It should be a ‘hub of intellectual-political imagination and creativity in an operationally polycentric manner’ (p. 102). It should aim to attain a critical mass of like-minded scholars equipped with the necessary skills and resources to do what they want—in other words, build a ‘high degree of autonomy and capacity’ (p. 107). Affirmative action and community building within and across the neoliberal institutional spaces should provide the basis for recruiting its members along the co-constitute axes of social differences. 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The authors should be commended for illustrating the inevitable challenges and tensions in building scholar-activist collectives and inspiring the upcoming generation of aspiring agrarian scholar-activists to find their path to struggle. It would have been more helpful to the reader if they had allotted another chapter/s in compiling case studies of agrarian scholar-activist collectives to highlight the diversity of context-specific challenges. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

知名土地学者-活动家小萨托尼诺-M. 博拉斯和詹妮弗-C. 弗兰科撰写了《学者-活动家与土地斗争》一书,旨在明确土地学者-活动家在土地正义斗争中 "微不足道但意义重大"(第 12 页)的作用。虽然作者并没有提供一个简明扼要的行动计划来说明应该做什么,但他们的目的是引导农业学者活动家关注在新自由主义政策架构下,在当今农业、研究和教育政治中,学者活动家在实践过程中出现的矛盾、紧张和挑战,从而引发他们的思考和行动。本书共分四章,让读者了解有关农业政治,特别是土地政治的各种观点。书中主要讨论了 "学者行动主义是一种工作方式,它试图通过结合激进学术和政治活动家传统的最佳特点来改变社会,尽管这样做会带来许多矛盾和挑战"(第 1 页)。本书探讨了学者-活动家在塑造未来政治和研究议程以实现土地和社会正义方面的潜在作用。争取获得土地的斗争是争取土地正义斗争的核心,进而也是社会正义斗争的核心。因此,本书将土地斗争置于更广泛的农村土地变革叙事中,这是理解权力结构如何形成并随着时间推移而变化,从而形成围绕土地的历史和社会关系的关键所在。书中讨论了当代全球土地热如何加快了以各种形式掠夺土地的步伐。它不仅包括对农业用地的攻击,还包括对土著社区土地和农村非农业空间、城市农业用地和城市非农业用地的攻击,这些都是北方和南方经济生产和社会再生产所必需的,但在土地政治中却不常讨论。在大多数情况下,国家充当中间人,以发展的名义施加经济以外的胁迫,以促进资本积累过程。以生产力和经济效率为借口,通过市场买卖土地,也使土地掠夺合法化。由于土地掠夺的机制多种多样,土地掠夺者或主要反动阶级的面貌和形式也从地主或农业综合企业种植园主扩展到个人土地购买者、土地黑手党以及国内和跨国公司土地掠夺者。Borras 和 Franco 强调,迫切需要用现有的和新的分析工具解释不断变化的社会动态,并改变这些动态的发展方向,以创造一个 "更公正、更公平、更仁慈的世界"(第 1 页)。这就要求农业学者-活动家毫不讳言地明确倾向于'蕴含在阶级和种族、民族、性别、种姓、世代、宗教和国籍的共同构成关系中'(第 10 页)的受压迫阶级和社会群体,他们在持续的积累过程中面临着不公平的待遇和社会排斥。学者-活动家并不是一个同质的类别,它包括从激进思想家到从事活动工作或与政治项目相关的政治活动家的广泛范围。本书大致根据学者活动家所在的机构,划分出三种类型的学者活动家,主要分布在(a)学术机构,(b)非学术独立研究机构,以及(c)社会运动或政治项目。这些类别往往相互重叠,界限模糊。这些参与者之间的相互作用对知识的产生和政治行动至关重要,但却没有得到充分的研究。本书介绍了现有文献中关于学者行动主义构成要素以及谁是学者行动主义者的不同观点。它是一个动态的、流动的概念,被定义为关系、历史和文化的概念,也就是说,学者行动主义者的概念不能被僵化地定义在一个理想的机构或时代或政治文化类型中。本书没有给读者留下学者行动主义者的独特定义,但提出了一个分析框架,以形成对特定背景和时间的理解,以及一系列广泛的特征,如渴望从事与政治相关的研究、自己接受组织挑战,或沉浸在政治运动中并从内部开展研究。该书将学者行动主义定位为激进学术的一个子集。具体到农业学者行动主义,该书强调了正统马克思主义传统的阶级纯粹主义与恰亚诺夫传统的农业民粹主义之间相互竞争的理论和分析连续性。来自不同机构地点和理论立场的学者-活动家之间的互动产生了潜在的协同作用和紧张关系,并体现在农业运动中。
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Scholar-activism and land struggles, By Saturnino M. Borras, Jennifer C. Franco, Rugby: Practical Action Publishing. 2023. pp. 180. £49.94 (hbk)/£17.95 (pbk). ISBN: 978-1-78853-258-7, 978-1-78853-257-0.

Renowned agrarian scholar-activists Saturnino M. Borras Jr. and Jennifer C. Franco wrote the book Scholar-Activism and Land Struggles to identify the ‘modest but significant’ (p. 12) role of agrarian scholar-activists in struggles for agrarian justice. While the authors do not provide a bullet-point action plan on what to do, and rightfully so, they aim to provoke the thoughts and actions of agrarian scholar-activists by directing them towards the contradictions, tensions and challenges that arise during the practice of scholar-activism amidst the neoliberal policy architecture that dictates today's politics of agriculture, research and education. The book is divided into four chapters, which provide the reader with an understanding of competing views on agrarian politics in general and land politics in particular. It mainly discusses how ‘scholar-activism is a way of working that tries to change society by combining the best features of radical academic and political activist traditions, despite the many contradictions and challenges that this entails’ (p. 1). It engages with the potential role of scholar-activists in shaping future political and research agendas to attain agrarian and social justice.

The struggle for access to land is at the heart of struggles for agrarian justice and, by extension, social justice. Therefore, the book locates land struggles within the broader narrative of rural agrarian transformations, which hold the key to understanding how power structures form and change over time, shaping historical and social relations around land. It discusses how the contemporary global land rush is accelerating the pace of land grabbing in diverse forms. It includes attacks not only on agricultural lands but also on indigenous community lands and rural non-agricultural spaces, urban agriculture and urban non-agriculture lands required for economic production and social reproduction in the north and south, which are not commonly discussed in agrarian politics. In most cases, the state acts as a broker and exerts extra-economic coercion to facilitate capital accumulation processes in the name of development. Land grabbing is also legitimized through the purchase and sale of land through markets under the pretexts of productivity and economic efficiency. Given the diverse mechanisms of land grabbing, the face and form of the land grabbers or the key reactionary classes also extend beyond the landlords or agribusiness plantation owners to individual land buyers, land mafias and domestic and transnational corporate land grabbers. Borras and Franco emphasize that there is an urgent need to interpret the changing social dynamics with existing and new analytical tools and change the course of these dynamics to create a ‘more just, fairer, and kinder world’ (p. 1). This requires agrarian scholar-activists to take an unapologetic and explicit bias towards the oppressed classes and social groups ‘embedded in class and co-constitutive relations of race, ethnicity, gender, caste, generation, religion, and nationality’ (p. 10) who face unfair treatment and social exclusion in the ongoing accumulation processes.

Scholar-activism is not a homogenous category, and it comprises a broad spectrum of radical thinkers to political activists who do activist work or are connected to political projects. Broadly based on their institutions, the book identifies three types of scholar-activists principally based in (a) academic institutions, (b) non-academic independent research institutions, and (c) social movements or political projects. Often, these categories overlap, and boundaries are blurred. The interplay between these actors is crucial to knowledge generation and political action, but it is not well-researched. The book presents different perspectives from the existing literature on what constitutes scholar-activism and who is a scholar-activist. It is a dynamic and fluid concept defined as relational, historical and cultural, that is, the idea of a scholar-activist cannot be rigidly defined in an ideal type of institution or time or political culture. The book leaves the reader with no unique definition of a scholar-activist but presents an analytical framework to form an understanding specific to context and time and a broad set of characteristics such as aspiring to do politically relevant research, take up organizing challenges themselves, or immerse in political movements and conduct research from within. It positions scholar-activism as a subset of radical scholarship.

Specific to agrarian scholar-activism, the book highlights the theoretical and analytical continuum between the competing views of orthodox Marxist traditions of class purism and Chayanovian traditions of agrarian populism. The interaction among scholar-activists operating from different institutional locations and theoretical positions creates potential synergies and tensions that manifest into agrarian movements. The authors pitch for agrarian scholar-activists to find in each other political allies committed to the cause of agrarian justice and continue the struggles by taking inspiration from imperfect political formulations instead of backing away from the tensions and social movements.

A closer and continuous engagement between scholar-activists and agrarian movements is crucial to counter the hegemony of capitalist narratives and build anti-capitalist solidarity and alliances. The authors caution the reader that not all social movements are necessarily anti-capitalist, and there are variations even in articulating anti-capitalist struggles. Scholar-activists need to identify their ideological positions to forge necessary political alliances. Further, it is essential to locate hierarchies and differentiation within the agrarian movements (such as elite, cadres, militants, mass and base) to locate the ‘origin and representation of ideas emanating from a movement or sections of a movement’ (p. 7). One of the key takeaways for scholar-activists from the book is that while they look for ways to engage with established or organized movements, it is equally or more important to identify places where scholar activism is necessary but existing organizations are weak or nonexistent. Scholar-activist collectives can play a vital role in identifying these gaps in the organization of agrarian politics.

However, conducting scholar-activist research and organizing scholar-activist collectives require voluntary and additional efforts from scholar-activists beyond the existing research demands of their institutions. They are torn between the pressures of generating academically rigorous output dictated by the norms of their respective disciplines and politically rigorous research demanded by the political movements they are committed to. Often, the academically accepted research methods may not be adequate or appropriate to address issues raised by political movements and vice versa. Striking this balance and navigating scholar-activist research in neoliberal institutions can prove difficult and create workplace tensions. Scholar-activists usually find themselves at the margins of mainstream institutions. Further complicating individual research efforts, most research grants for academics or independent researchers are increasingly dictated by a neoliberal research agenda that systematically discourages politically explicit research that addresses agrarian and land politics questions. The twin processes of dwindling resources for public institutions, on the one hand, and the growing dominance of private universities and research think tanks that receive substantial amounts of research funding from large corporations or capitalist organizations, on the other hand, pose a unique challenge to conducting scholar-activist research within these very institutions that are party to various forms of agrarian and social injustice. The book highlights that the formation and successful operation of scholar-activist collectives outside neoliberal institutional spaces also face the challenges of funding and maintaining autonomy. However, it reminds the scholar-activists engaged in neoliberal institutions that they are entitled to a space in the academy which is both ‘a place of safety and a place of struggle’ (p. 117). Therefore, it may be difficult to pursue their research objectives given the constraints but it is not impossible due to the job security and access to the academy's resources which scholar activists outside such institutions lack. There is still a certain degree of tolerance and regard for scholar-activists within mainstream institutions as long as they can publish in peer-acknowledged and reputed journals. Often, these journals are highly ranked along a list of indicators with research objectives set up to further the neoliberal research agenda in the global north and give primacy to adopting rigorous research methods. Therefore, the onus of gaining acceptance of mainstream scholars and retaining their position within the mainstream institutions lies with scholar-activists through publishing their research in such journals. In order to publish their research in mainstream journals or other journals that are more accepting of radical scholarship and scholar-activist work as long as it is socially relevant and academically rigorous, scholar-activists need access to a wide range of resources. There exists a systemic inequality in access to ‘transformative knowledge generation, attribution, and use’ (p. 108) between the scholars from the global north and the global south and between the privileged and underprivileged scholars within these regions. In a way, the existing knowledge structures are also built to reproduce the global architecture of exploitation.

The authors also mention a word of caution to the scholar-activists who are pushed into the neoliberal race of publish or perish to be mindful of the tensions that arise from patenting or passing down the ideas emerging from the agrarian movements that are unpublished as their intellectual private property without giving the required due credit. This chapter is the strongest in the book that carefully articulates the complexity and the necessity of scholar-activism in the contemporary world.

In the final chapter, ‘What is to be done’, the book points out that scholar-activist organizations can play a critical role in bridging the existing knowledge gap and mutually empowering each other. Their aims should be clearly defined and incorporate the elements of access, equity and autonomy. The access to knowledge includes but is not limited to subscriptions to libraries, journals, books and other materials; research funds; access to English language editing and translation services for scholars whose primary language is not English; and all other services that are key to empowering researchers from the global south and those farther from the centers of knowledge in the global south. The scholar-activist organizations can provide a platform to collectively demand their rights to resources and ensure equitable distribution of benefits from technology and research networks. However, the scholar-activist organization must be more than a research network. It should be a ‘hub of intellectual-political imagination and creativity in an operationally polycentric manner’ (p. 102). It should aim to attain a critical mass of like-minded scholars equipped with the necessary skills and resources to do what they want—in other words, build a ‘high degree of autonomy and capacity’ (p. 107). Affirmative action and community building within and across the neoliberal institutional spaces should provide the basis for recruiting its members along the co-constitute axes of social differences. Further, another critical task of a scholar-activist organization is to insert itself into the web of power and not accept the exclusion from global knowledge networks by forging alliances of international solidarity despite all odds and costs.

The following statement from the book should be quoted here: ‘The traditionally marginalized and resource-poor social groups in academic and scholar-activist research work are not completely powerless and resourceless. They have each other, and when they come together, they can generate a global resource pool’ (p. 118).

This book is a reminder that land struggles should form a core of broader and systematic anti-capitalist struggles linking various class and sectoral struggles. It requires a combined effort from scholar-activists and political activists to generate transformative knowledge that can inform research agendas and political struggles to change the world, attain social justice and eradicate inequality. The authors should be commended for illustrating the inevitable challenges and tensions in building scholar-activist collectives and inspiring the upcoming generation of aspiring agrarian scholar-activists to find their path to struggle. It would have been more helpful to the reader if they had allotted another chapter/s in compiling case studies of agrarian scholar-activist collectives to highlight the diversity of context-specific challenges. Nonetheless, this book is a timely guide to agrarian scholar-activists and collectives.

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来源期刊
CiteScore
5.20
自引率
8.00%
发文量
54
期刊介绍: The Journal of Agrarian Change is a journal of agrarian political economy. It promotes investigation of the social relations and dynamics of production, property and power in agrarian formations and their processes of change, both historical and contemporary. It encourages work within a broad interdisciplinary framework, informed by theory, and serves as a forum for serious comparative analysis and scholarly debate. Contributions are welcomed from political economists, historians, anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, economists, geographers, lawyers, and others committed to the rigorous study and analysis of agrarian structure and change, past and present, in different parts of the world.
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