{"title":"民粹主义的政治经济理论","authors":"Gleb Belyakov","doi":"10.52342/2587-7666vte_2024_2_30_44","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents a cross-disciplinary theory of populism. The first part of the\n article considers a definition of populism, the main electorate of populist forces, and\n the economic triggers of protest votes for populist parties. The second part deals with\n the different types of political populism, the reasons for their actualization in the\n 21st century, and the institutional consequences of populist power. The demand for\n populism comes from fragmented social groups that lost out in the social transformations\n following the neoliberal revolution of the 1970s and experienced the negative shocks of\n globalization. The protest electorate is organized around charismatic leaders who find\n 'scapegoats' in the form of traditional elites, migrants, or minorities and claim to\n speak for the «nation». Populism can contribute to democratization in its early stages.\n However, once in power, populists tend to undermine the system of checks and balances,\n leading to a decline in the quality of institutions and a slowdown in economic growth.\n The third part of the paper assesses the impact of economic populism. It is concluded\n that the definitional approaches used in academic literature do not meet the requirement\n of universality and do not imply a sufficient level of operationalization necessary for\n empirical research. An alternative approach is proposed that develops the «classical»\n definition of R. Dornbusch and S. Edwards: economic policy aimed at provoking economic\n shocks in order to increase the political ratings of the authorities and downplaying\n socio-economic risks. This approach enables economic populism to transcend the\n ideological framework of «right-left» economic policy, separate it from the economic\n policy of political populists, and evaluate the populist policies of mainstream parties.\n The theory of economic populism converges with the theory of political business cycles,\n but is not limited to elections and focuses on assessing demand rather than\n supply.","PeriodicalId":518543,"journal":{"name":"Issues of Economic Theory","volume":"54 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Political and Economic Theory of Populism\",\"authors\":\"Gleb Belyakov\",\"doi\":\"10.52342/2587-7666vte_2024_2_30_44\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The paper presents a cross-disciplinary theory of populism. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
本文提出了民粹主义的跨学科理论。文章第一部分探讨了民粹主义的定义、民粹主义势力的主要选民以及民粹主义政党获得抗议性选票的经济诱因。第二部分讨论了不同类型的政治民粹主义、其在 21 世纪成为现实的原因以及民粹主义力量的制度后果。对民粹主义的需求来自那些在 20 世纪 70 年代新自由主义革命后的社会变革中失利并经历了全球化负面冲击的零散社会群体。抗议选民围绕着有魅力的领导人组织起来,这些领导人以传统精英、移民或少数民族为 "替罪羊",并声称代表 "民族 "发言。民粹主义在早期阶段可以促进民主化。然而,一旦掌权,民粹主义者往往会破坏制衡体系,导致机构质量下降和经济增长放缓。本文第三部分评估了经济民粹主义的影响。结论是,学术文献中使用的定义方法不符合普遍性的要求,也不意味着实证研究所需的操作化程度足够高。提出了一种替代方法,发展了 R. Dornbusch 和 S. Edwards 的 "经典 "定义:旨在挑起经济震荡的经济政策,以提高当局的政治评级,淡化社会经济风险。这种方法使经济民粹主义能够超越 "右-左 "经济政策的意识形态框架,将其与政治民粹主义者的经济政策区分开来,并对主流政党的民粹主义政策进行评估。经济民粹主义理论与政治商业周期理论趋同,但并不局限于选举,而是侧重于评估需求而非供给。
The paper presents a cross-disciplinary theory of populism. The first part of the
article considers a definition of populism, the main electorate of populist forces, and
the economic triggers of protest votes for populist parties. The second part deals with
the different types of political populism, the reasons for their actualization in the
21st century, and the institutional consequences of populist power. The demand for
populism comes from fragmented social groups that lost out in the social transformations
following the neoliberal revolution of the 1970s and experienced the negative shocks of
globalization. The protest electorate is organized around charismatic leaders who find
'scapegoats' in the form of traditional elites, migrants, or minorities and claim to
speak for the «nation». Populism can contribute to democratization in its early stages.
However, once in power, populists tend to undermine the system of checks and balances,
leading to a decline in the quality of institutions and a slowdown in economic growth.
The third part of the paper assesses the impact of economic populism. It is concluded
that the definitional approaches used in academic literature do not meet the requirement
of universality and do not imply a sufficient level of operationalization necessary for
empirical research. An alternative approach is proposed that develops the «classical»
definition of R. Dornbusch and S. Edwards: economic policy aimed at provoking economic
shocks in order to increase the political ratings of the authorities and downplaying
socio-economic risks. This approach enables economic populism to transcend the
ideological framework of «right-left» economic policy, separate it from the economic
policy of political populists, and evaluate the populist policies of mainstream parties.
The theory of economic populism converges with the theory of political business cycles,
but is not limited to elections and focuses on assessing demand rather than
supply.