{"title":"倒退与反冲:中东欧地区的民主挑战是否威胁到 LGBTQIAP 的赋权?","authors":"Conor O’Dwyer","doi":"10.1177/08883254231182999","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"If third-wave democratization propelled gains in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersexual, asexual, and pansexual (LGBTQIAP) empowerment globally, does the contemporary wave of democratic backsliding imperil those gains? To what extent does the potential threat from such institutional erosion depend on the presence of right-wing populists in government, i.e., backlash? Can both threats be moderated by international pressure? Here, I present a theoretical framework for analyzing the interaction of backsliding, backlash, and international leverage as they impact LGBTQIAP empowerment. I then empirically probe this model’s plausibility by analyzing annual changes in LGBT empowerment through 2020 in fourteen new democracies in east central Europe. (The empirical analysis uses the narrower category “LGBT” because of data limitations.) I find that when neither backsliding nor backlash is present, LGBT empowerment expands regardless of international leverage. When both are present, however, international leverage is critical. If leverage is low, I find that LGBT empowerment declines, and the magnitude of losses in empowerment is greater than the magnitude of gains when neither is present. If leverage is high, simultaneous backlash and backsliding are associated with gains in LGBT empowerment. Even if the latter gains may be seen more as “pink-washing” than as sustainable and genuine change, these findings underline the importance of paying attention to international context when analyzing LGBTQIAP politics as the third wave ebbs.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"158 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2024-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Backsliding versus Backlash: Do Challenges to Democracy in East Central Europe Threaten LGBTQIAP Empowerment?\",\"authors\":\"Conor O’Dwyer\",\"doi\":\"10.1177/08883254231182999\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"If third-wave democratization propelled gains in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersexual, asexual, and pansexual (LGBTQIAP) empowerment globally, does the contemporary wave of democratic backsliding imperil those gains? To what extent does the potential threat from such institutional erosion depend on the presence of right-wing populists in government, i.e., backlash? Can both threats be moderated by international pressure? Here, I present a theoretical framework for analyzing the interaction of backsliding, backlash, and international leverage as they impact LGBTQIAP empowerment. I then empirically probe this model’s plausibility by analyzing annual changes in LGBT empowerment through 2020 in fourteen new democracies in east central Europe. (The empirical analysis uses the narrower category “LGBT” because of data limitations.) I find that when neither backsliding nor backlash is present, LGBT empowerment expands regardless of international leverage. When both are present, however, international leverage is critical. If leverage is low, I find that LGBT empowerment declines, and the magnitude of losses in empowerment is greater than the magnitude of gains when neither is present. If leverage is high, simultaneous backlash and backsliding are associated with gains in LGBT empowerment. Even if the latter gains may be seen more as “pink-washing” than as sustainable and genuine change, these findings underline the importance of paying attention to international context when analyzing LGBTQIAP politics as the third wave ebbs.\",\"PeriodicalId\":47086,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"East European Politics and Societies\",\"volume\":\"158 1\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.7000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-05-15\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"East European Politics and Societies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231182999\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"AREA STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"East European Politics and Societies","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231182999","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
如果说第三波民主化推动了全球女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者、同性恋者、双性人、无性人和泛性人(LGBTQIAP)的赋权,那么当代的民主倒退浪潮是否会危及这些成果?这种制度性侵蚀的潜在威胁在多大程度上取决于政府中右翼民粹主义者的存在,即反弹?国际压力能否缓和这两种威胁?在此,我提出了一个理论框架,用于分析倒退、反弹和国际影响力之间的相互作用对 LGBTQIAP 赋权的影响。然后,我通过分析欧洲中东部 14 个新民主国家到 2020 年 LGBT 权利的年度变化,实证性地探究了这一模型的合理性。(由于数据限制,实证分析使用了较窄的 "LGBT "类别)。我发现,当既不存在倒退也不存在反弹时,无论国际影响力如何,LGBT 的赋权都会扩大。然而,当两者都存在时,国际杠杆作用就显得至关重要。如果杠杆率低,我发现 LGBT 的赋权就会下降,而且在两者都不存在的情况下,赋权损失的幅度要大于赋权增加的幅度。如果杠杆率较高,则同时出现的反弹和倒退与 LGBT 赋权的增加有关。即使后一种收益可能更多地被视为 "粉色洗礼",而非可持续的真正变革,但这些发现强调了在第三次浪潮退潮之际分析 LGBTQIAP 政治时关注国际背景的重要性。
Backsliding versus Backlash: Do Challenges to Democracy in East Central Europe Threaten LGBTQIAP Empowerment?
If third-wave democratization propelled gains in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersexual, asexual, and pansexual (LGBTQIAP) empowerment globally, does the contemporary wave of democratic backsliding imperil those gains? To what extent does the potential threat from such institutional erosion depend on the presence of right-wing populists in government, i.e., backlash? Can both threats be moderated by international pressure? Here, I present a theoretical framework for analyzing the interaction of backsliding, backlash, and international leverage as they impact LGBTQIAP empowerment. I then empirically probe this model’s plausibility by analyzing annual changes in LGBT empowerment through 2020 in fourteen new democracies in east central Europe. (The empirical analysis uses the narrower category “LGBT” because of data limitations.) I find that when neither backsliding nor backlash is present, LGBT empowerment expands regardless of international leverage. When both are present, however, international leverage is critical. If leverage is low, I find that LGBT empowerment declines, and the magnitude of losses in empowerment is greater than the magnitude of gains when neither is present. If leverage is high, simultaneous backlash and backsliding are associated with gains in LGBT empowerment. Even if the latter gains may be seen more as “pink-washing” than as sustainable and genuine change, these findings underline the importance of paying attention to international context when analyzing LGBTQIAP politics as the third wave ebbs.
期刊介绍:
East European Politics and Societies is an international journal that examines social, political, and economic issues in Eastern Europe. EEPS offers holistic coverage of the region - every country, from every discipline - ranging from detailed case studies through comparative analyses and theoretical issues. Contributors include not only western scholars but many from Eastern Europe itself. The Editorial Board is composed of a world-class panel of historians, political scientists, economists, and social scientists.