印度《森林保护法修正案》提出了重要问题

IF 10 1区 环境科学与生态学 Q1 ECOLOGY
Jithu K Jose
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In India, total (tropical and subtropical) forest and tree cover spans 80.9 million hectares, which is equivalent to nearly 25% of the country's areal extent (Sharma <i>et al</i>. <span>2023</span>). Between 2015 and 2020, India lost 668,400 hectares of forest, placing it second to Brazil in terms of global losses (Ritchie <span>2021</span>). Various laws, acts, and policies have been formulated and adopted in India to incorporate forests within legal and policy frameworks—these range from the colonial-era Indian Forest Act of 1865 to the more recent Forest Conservation Amendment Act of 2023 (hereafter, the Act), which modified the existing Forest Conservation Act of 1980. Since its inception, the Act has prompted many conservation-related questions across the world. More discussions and greater transparency on the Act are desperately needed.</p><p>In India, government land records generally refer to forests as belonging to one of three legal classifications: “reserved”, “protected”, or “unclassed” (FAO <span>2005</span>). Reserved and protected forests “by definition are owned by [the] government [and by the] ‘Public’ at large”; as for unclassed forests, “the status of their ownership and control varies among various States in India” (FAO <span>2005</span>). Many Indian forests are further categorized as “deemed” forests: that is, those that fall under the “dictionary meaning” of a forest (a subjective description) but do not merit official recognition in any government record. The Act rescinds protection completely for deemed forests, limiting protection only to “notified” forests (that is, reserved and protected forests for which there is “a legal notification in a government gazette under [the] Indian Forest Act [of 1927 that] creates or defines [their] boundaries” [FAO <span>2005</span>]) and those documented in official records as of or after 25 October 1980. The Act encourages commercial activity in any area not officially acknowledged as a “forest”. As a consequence, up to 25% of the country's forests are now vulnerable to mining, urbanization, infrastructure development, and other destructive land-use changes due to the passage of the Act, which eliminates former protections granted to deemed forests by the Supreme Court's Godavarman judgement of 1996 (Tatpati and Pathak-Broome <span>2015</span>). About 25% of India's forests are located in the isolated, mountainous parts of northeastern India, which make up only 8% of the country's total area (Forest Report <span>2021</span>). These forested areas are rich in floral and faunal biodiversity and endemism. However, almost half of these forests are neither officially classified nor recorded as forests. Most of the forests in these areas occur on privately or communally owned lands managed by traditional institutions, such as village councils. Consequently, according to the Act, the government offers no protection to these forested areas, which are now subject to activities that could result in their degradation and destruction.</p><p>The Act also opens all forested areas within 100 km of India's international borders to development from “strategic projects of national importance and concerning national security”. As a result, numerous Indigenous populations and other communities residing in forested regions within this zone will likely face major challenges in exercising their rights as outlined in the Forest Rights Act of 2006 (FRA). Although the FRA acknowledges the rights to forest resources for tribal communities living in the forest and for other traditional forest inhabitants, the new Act ignores Indigenous people and their rights.</p><p>According to India's constitution, the central government and states have equal power over managing the nation's forests. However, the Act contradicts the idea of decentralized forest governance. Under the Act, the states have less power and authority over forests. Currently, selected activities within forests—such as ecotourism, establishment of zoo/safari parks, and research surveys—are allowed without prior permission or authorization from state governments.</p><p>In addition, the Act upholds compensatory afforestation and encourages private individuals and organizations, including major corporations, to conduct afforestation or restoration. However, India's compensatory afforestation policy does not adhere to the internationally recognized principles of ecological restoration (IUCN/SSC <span>2013</span>) considered as best practices. Afforestation and restoration initiatives in India have numerous challenges, such as inadequate community participation, inappropriate site selection, preference for hardy species, low sapling survival, and insufficient monitoring (Tambe <i>et al</i>. <span>2022</span>). The Act prioritizes afforestation and restoration to achieve India's carbon targets, which include sequestering 2.5–3 billion metric tons of carbon by 2030. However, this outcome is impractical because most of the country's restoration projects to date have been considered as failures (Duguma <i>et al</i>. <span>2020</span>; Asher and Bhandari <span>2021</span>). For instance, in an afforestation effort in the northern state of Himachal Pradesh, substantial money was spent without obtaining substantial benefits (Rana <i>et al</i>. <span>2022</span>). Large-scale tree-planting initiatives are frequently unsuccessful, wasting limited funding and sequestering negligible carbon (Duguma <i>et al</i>. <span>2020</span>). The Government of India's flagship program, the Compensatory Afforestation Fund Management and Planning Authority (CAMPA), aims to reforest and restore landscapes to compensate for the amount of forest cover lost as a result of large-scale infrastructure construction (including hydropower projects) and other industrial endeavors. So far, the CAMPA program has spent billions of dollars without considering social, economic, or biophysical contexts (Asher and Bhandari <span>2021</span>).</p><p>India's remaining forests are valuable, but India's federal laws must provide the most protection because all forests are subject to federal control. Notably, the Peruvian government recently passed a similar act, which loosened the country's deforestation restrictions; thus, this issue is not limited to a single country or continent. According to Article 48A of the Indian constitution, the federal government is responsible for the “protection and improvement of [the] environment and safeguarding of forests and wildlife”. As a result, policy makers should act responsibly, making laws and amendments that benefit forest conservation.</p>","PeriodicalId":171,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":10.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/fee.2741","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"India's Forest Conservation Amendment Act raises important questions\",\"authors\":\"Jithu K Jose\",\"doi\":\"10.1002/fee.2741\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>Of the planet's terrestrial area, nearly 33% and 7% are covered by forests and tropical forests, respectively (Lee and Jarvis <span>1996</span>). 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Between 2015 and 2020, India lost 668,400 hectares of forest, placing it second to Brazil in terms of global losses (Ritchie <span>2021</span>). Various laws, acts, and policies have been formulated and adopted in India to incorporate forests within legal and policy frameworks—these range from the colonial-era Indian Forest Act of 1865 to the more recent Forest Conservation Amendment Act of 2023 (hereafter, the Act), which modified the existing Forest Conservation Act of 1980. Since its inception, the Act has prompted many conservation-related questions across the world. More discussions and greater transparency on the Act are desperately needed.</p><p>In India, government land records generally refer to forests as belonging to one of three legal classifications: “reserved”, “protected”, or “unclassed” (FAO <span>2005</span>). Reserved and protected forests “by definition are owned by [the] government [and by the] ‘Public’ at large”; as for unclassed forests, “the status of their ownership and control varies among various States in India” (FAO <span>2005</span>). Many Indian forests are further categorized as “deemed” forests: that is, those that fall under the “dictionary meaning” of a forest (a subjective description) but do not merit official recognition in any government record. The Act rescinds protection completely for deemed forests, limiting protection only to “notified” forests (that is, reserved and protected forests for which there is “a legal notification in a government gazette under [the] Indian Forest Act [of 1927 that] creates or defines [their] boundaries” [FAO <span>2005</span>]) and those documented in official records as of or after 25 October 1980. The Act encourages commercial activity in any area not officially acknowledged as a “forest”. 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The Act prioritizes afforestation and restoration to achieve India's carbon targets, which include sequestering 2.5–3 billion metric tons of carbon by 2030. However, this outcome is impractical because most of the country's restoration projects to date have been considered as failures (Duguma <i>et al</i>. <span>2020</span>; Asher and Bhandari <span>2021</span>). For instance, in an afforestation effort in the northern state of Himachal Pradesh, substantial money was spent without obtaining substantial benefits (Rana <i>et al</i>. <span>2022</span>). Large-scale tree-planting initiatives are frequently unsuccessful, wasting limited funding and sequestering negligible carbon (Duguma <i>et al</i>. <span>2020</span>). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

然而,印度的补偿性植树造林政策并不符合国际公认的生态恢复原则(世界自然保护联盟/南南合作委员会,2013 年),这些原则被视为最佳实践。印度的植树造林和恢复举措面临诸多挑战,如社区参与不足、选址不当、偏爱耐寒树种、树苗存活率低以及监测不足(Tambe 等,2022 年)。该法案优先考虑植树造林和恢复,以实现印度的碳目标,其中包括到 2030 年封存 25-3 亿吨碳。然而,这一结果是不切实际的,因为迄今为止,印度的大多数恢复项目都被认为是失败的(Duguma 等,2020 年;Asher 和 Bhandari,2021 年)。例如,在北部喜马偕尔邦的植树造林工作中,花费了大量资金却没有获得实质性收益(Rana 等人,2022 年)。大规模植树造林活动往往不成功,浪费了有限的资金,固碳效果却微乎其微(Duguma 等人,2020 年)。印度政府的旗舰项目--补偿性造林基金管理和规划局(CAMPA)旨在重新造林和恢复景观,以补偿因大规模基础设施建设(包括水电项目)和其他工业活动而损失的森林覆盖面积。迄今为止,CAMPA 计划已耗资数十亿美元,却未考虑社会、经济或生物物理背景(Asher 和 Bhandari,2021 年)。印度剩余的森林非常宝贵,但印度联邦法律必须提供最大程度的保护,因为所有森林都受联邦控制。值得注意的是,秘鲁政府最近通过了一项类似的法案,放宽了该国对森林砍伐的限制;因此,这个问题并不局限于一个国家或大陆。根据印度宪法第 48A 条,联邦政府负责 "保护和改善环境,保护森林和野生动物"。因此,政策制定者应采取负责任的行动,制定有利于森林保护的法律和修正案。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。

India's Forest Conservation Amendment Act raises important questions

India's Forest Conservation Amendment Act raises important questions

Of the planet's terrestrial area, nearly 33% and 7% are covered by forests and tropical forests, respectively (Lee and Jarvis 1996). Forests in general provide ecological, economic, social, and aesthetic benefits to people, and tropical forests specifically hold more than 50% of the planet's biodiversity (Singh and Sharma 2009). Worldwide, 15.8 million hectares of tropical forests are lost annually (Weisse and Goldman 2018). Nearly all tropical forests occur within the Global South, which includes some of the most densely populated and economically impoverished nations. The growing need for forest resources in developing countries places tremendous strain on forests therein. India is one example of a country that exerts such pressure on its forests (Figure 1). In India, total (tropical and subtropical) forest and tree cover spans 80.9 million hectares, which is equivalent to nearly 25% of the country's areal extent (Sharma et al2023). Between 2015 and 2020, India lost 668,400 hectares of forest, placing it second to Brazil in terms of global losses (Ritchie 2021). Various laws, acts, and policies have been formulated and adopted in India to incorporate forests within legal and policy frameworks—these range from the colonial-era Indian Forest Act of 1865 to the more recent Forest Conservation Amendment Act of 2023 (hereafter, the Act), which modified the existing Forest Conservation Act of 1980. Since its inception, the Act has prompted many conservation-related questions across the world. More discussions and greater transparency on the Act are desperately needed.

In India, government land records generally refer to forests as belonging to one of three legal classifications: “reserved”, “protected”, or “unclassed” (FAO 2005). Reserved and protected forests “by definition are owned by [the] government [and by the] ‘Public’ at large”; as for unclassed forests, “the status of their ownership and control varies among various States in India” (FAO 2005). Many Indian forests are further categorized as “deemed” forests: that is, those that fall under the “dictionary meaning” of a forest (a subjective description) but do not merit official recognition in any government record. The Act rescinds protection completely for deemed forests, limiting protection only to “notified” forests (that is, reserved and protected forests for which there is “a legal notification in a government gazette under [the] Indian Forest Act [of 1927 that] creates or defines [their] boundaries” [FAO 2005]) and those documented in official records as of or after 25 October 1980. The Act encourages commercial activity in any area not officially acknowledged as a “forest”. As a consequence, up to 25% of the country's forests are now vulnerable to mining, urbanization, infrastructure development, and other destructive land-use changes due to the passage of the Act, which eliminates former protections granted to deemed forests by the Supreme Court's Godavarman judgement of 1996 (Tatpati and Pathak-Broome 2015). About 25% of India's forests are located in the isolated, mountainous parts of northeastern India, which make up only 8% of the country's total area (Forest Report 2021). These forested areas are rich in floral and faunal biodiversity and endemism. However, almost half of these forests are neither officially classified nor recorded as forests. Most of the forests in these areas occur on privately or communally owned lands managed by traditional institutions, such as village councils. Consequently, according to the Act, the government offers no protection to these forested areas, which are now subject to activities that could result in their degradation and destruction.

The Act also opens all forested areas within 100 km of India's international borders to development from “strategic projects of national importance and concerning national security”. As a result, numerous Indigenous populations and other communities residing in forested regions within this zone will likely face major challenges in exercising their rights as outlined in the Forest Rights Act of 2006 (FRA). Although the FRA acknowledges the rights to forest resources for tribal communities living in the forest and for other traditional forest inhabitants, the new Act ignores Indigenous people and their rights.

According to India's constitution, the central government and states have equal power over managing the nation's forests. However, the Act contradicts the idea of decentralized forest governance. Under the Act, the states have less power and authority over forests. Currently, selected activities within forests—such as ecotourism, establishment of zoo/safari parks, and research surveys—are allowed without prior permission or authorization from state governments.

In addition, the Act upholds compensatory afforestation and encourages private individuals and organizations, including major corporations, to conduct afforestation or restoration. However, India's compensatory afforestation policy does not adhere to the internationally recognized principles of ecological restoration (IUCN/SSC 2013) considered as best practices. Afforestation and restoration initiatives in India have numerous challenges, such as inadequate community participation, inappropriate site selection, preference for hardy species, low sapling survival, and insufficient monitoring (Tambe et al2022). The Act prioritizes afforestation and restoration to achieve India's carbon targets, which include sequestering 2.5–3 billion metric tons of carbon by 2030. However, this outcome is impractical because most of the country's restoration projects to date have been considered as failures (Duguma et al2020; Asher and Bhandari 2021). For instance, in an afforestation effort in the northern state of Himachal Pradesh, substantial money was spent without obtaining substantial benefits (Rana et al2022). Large-scale tree-planting initiatives are frequently unsuccessful, wasting limited funding and sequestering negligible carbon (Duguma et al2020). The Government of India's flagship program, the Compensatory Afforestation Fund Management and Planning Authority (CAMPA), aims to reforest and restore landscapes to compensate for the amount of forest cover lost as a result of large-scale infrastructure construction (including hydropower projects) and other industrial endeavors. So far, the CAMPA program has spent billions of dollars without considering social, economic, or biophysical contexts (Asher and Bhandari 2021).

India's remaining forests are valuable, but India's federal laws must provide the most protection because all forests are subject to federal control. Notably, the Peruvian government recently passed a similar act, which loosened the country's deforestation restrictions; thus, this issue is not limited to a single country or continent. According to Article 48A of the Indian constitution, the federal government is responsible for the “protection and improvement of [the] environment and safeguarding of forests and wildlife”. As a result, policy makers should act responsibly, making laws and amendments that benefit forest conservation.

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来源期刊
Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment
Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment 环境科学-环境科学
CiteScore
18.30
自引率
1.00%
发文量
128
审稿时长
9-18 weeks
期刊介绍: Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment is a publication by the Ecological Society of America that focuses on the significance of ecology and environmental science in various aspects of research and problem-solving. The journal covers topics such as biodiversity conservation, ecosystem preservation, natural resource management, public policy, and other related areas. The publication features a range of content, including peer-reviewed articles, editorials, commentaries, letters, and occasional special issues and topical series. It releases ten issues per year, excluding January and July. ESA members receive both print and electronic copies of the journal, while institutional subscriptions are also available. Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment is highly regarded in the field, as indicated by its ranking in the 2021 Journal Citation Reports by Clarivate Analytics. The journal is ranked 4th out of 174 in ecology journals and 11th out of 279 in environmental sciences journals. Its impact factor for 2021 is reported as 13.789, which further demonstrates its influence and importance in the scientific community.
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