壮观的非专利药:科里-海登(Cori Hayden)所著的《墨西哥的制药与同义政治》(评论

IF 0.9 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES
David Herzberg
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Well, actually, lots of different sorts. \"Generic\" can mean an extraordinary number of things and accomplish many different kinds of work, depending who claims it, for what purposes, and in what historical context. In twenty-first-century Mexico, where <em>The Spectacular Generic</em>is (mostly) set, claims of genericness have predominantly been made in the name of making health care more affordable, more accessible, fairer. As Hayden argues, this plan to fix capitalism's injustices with more capitalism extracts its own unpredictable, yet also all-too-predictable, costs. <strong>[End Page 654]</strong></p> <p>Hayden begins by exploding the most compelling claim of genericness: that it names the single, undifferentiated Platonic essence of a medicine lying beneath distinctions generated by marketing hype and other cultural enchantments. 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At the same time, however, it also passively resisted the new regime by continuing to accept cheaper, chemically equivalent generics. Medicines, in other words, became \"generic\" only through contested processes that imbued them with (rather than stripping them of) distinctive commercial, scientific, and political significance.</p> <p>Hayden next delves into genericness as a form of politics. Before the twenty-first century, she explains, pharmaceutical markets in Mexico were divided in two: private pharmacies selling only relatively expensive, brand-name medicines, and Seguro, the state program, providing certified \"generic\" or \"generic interchangeable\" medicines to the formally employed. This setup excluded over fifty million Mexicans without official employment, and in 2003 the government launched a new program, the Seguro Popular, to provide for them. The huge new program was not accompanied by an investment in new health infrastructure, however, so beneficiaries received substandard care if they received any at all. This created an opening for elite businessman González Torres, or \"Dr. Simi,\" who sold uncertified, less expensive similares (\"the same but cheaper!\") in a network of inexpensive pharmacies often attached to equally inexpensive clinics. This wildly successful private-sector alternative to a seemingly bungling state enterprise was classically neoliberal, undoing political collectivities and remaking citizens into individual, atomized consumers. The Seguro Popular even began to offer beneficiaries vouchers to buy Simi's similares, redirecting state resources to the private sector. Yet, Hayden points out, even as the state leaned on the private sector, entrepreneur González Torres was building a traditional political base by acting like a state: \"gathering\" constituents by loudly, even spectacularly providing them with a crucial social service. Here again, genericness was not the absence of something—politics—but rather a vehicle for a distinctive brand of politics and for building new political collectivities.</p> <p>Hayden completes her case for the commercial, scientific, and political distinctiveness of supposedly interchangeable \"generic\" goods with a chapter on the fate of \"Dr. Simi's\" generic enterprise in Argentina. 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Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2023. xii + 244 pp. Ill. $26.95 (978-1-4780-1904-6). <p>What is a \\\"generic\\\" medicine? The term wants to signal an absence: no marketing, no branding, just a simple, bare, undifferentiated chemical. Yet as Cori Hayden explains in her brilliant book <em>The Spectacular Generic</em>, claims to genericness are themselves a sort of brand—and a sort of science, and a sort of politics. What sort? Well, actually, lots of different sorts. \\\"Generic\\\" can mean an extraordinary number of things and accomplish many different kinds of work, depending who claims it, for what purposes, and in what historical context. In twenty-first-century Mexico, where <em>The Spectacular Generic</em>is (mostly) set, claims of genericness have predominantly been made in the name of making health care more affordable, more accessible, fairer. As Hayden argues, this plan to fix capitalism's injustices with more capitalism extracts its own unpredictable, yet also all-too-predictable, costs. <strong>[End Page 654]</strong></p> <p>Hayden begins by exploding the most compelling claim of genericness: that it names the single, undifferentiated Platonic essence of a medicine lying beneath distinctions generated by marketing hype and other cultural enchantments. In turn-of-the-twenty-first-century Mexico, she points out, there were many types of generic medicines, each legitimated by a distinctive commercial and informational infrastructure. The Mexican government formally recognized two of them: chemically equivalent (\\\"generic\\\") medicines and bioequivalent (\\\"generic interchangeable\\\") medicines. Transnational pharmaceutical companies favored bioequivalence, Hayden explains, but not necessarily because it was a truer marker of sameness. Like chemical equivalence, bioequivalence is a human-designed validation system with its own arbitrary and often circular choices. How close do blood levels have to be to count as \\\"the same,\\\" for example? What do such comparisons even mean when original (branded) products themselves vary from batch to batch? Under international pressure, the Mexican government officially began to switch to bioequivalent generics and built up a drug testing infrastructure focused on measuring blood levels. At the same time, however, it also passively resisted the new regime by continuing to accept cheaper, chemically equivalent generics. Medicines, in other words, became \\\"generic\\\" only through contested processes that imbued them with (rather than stripping them of) distinctive commercial, scientific, and political significance.</p> <p>Hayden next delves into genericness as a form of politics. Before the twenty-first century, she explains, pharmaceutical markets in Mexico were divided in two: private pharmacies selling only relatively expensive, brand-name medicines, and Seguro, the state program, providing certified \\\"generic\\\" or \\\"generic interchangeable\\\" medicines to the formally employed. This setup excluded over fifty million Mexicans without official employment, and in 2003 the government launched a new program, the Seguro Popular, to provide for them. The huge new program was not accompanied by an investment in new health infrastructure, however, so beneficiaries received substandard care if they received any at all. This created an opening for elite businessman González Torres, or \\\"Dr. Simi,\\\" who sold uncertified, less expensive similares (\\\"the same but cheaper!\\\") in a network of inexpensive pharmacies often attached to equally inexpensive clinics. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

评论者: 壮观的非专利药:Cori Hayden David Herzberg Cori Hayden.壮观的非专利药:墨西哥的药品与同义政治》。关键的全球健康:证据、效力和民族志》。北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2023 年。xii + 244 pp.26.95 美元(978-1-4780-1904-6)。什么是 "通用 "医学?这个词想表达的是一种缺失:没有营销,没有品牌,只有简单、赤裸、无差别的化学物质。然而,正如科里-海登(Cori Hayden)在其出色的著作《神奇的非专利药》(The Spectacular Generic)中所解释的那样,非专利药本身就是一种品牌--一种科学,也是一种政治。哪一种呢?实际上,有很多种。"通用 "可以有非常多的含义,可以完成许多不同类型的工作,这取决于由谁提出、出于何种目的、在何种历史背景下。在二十一世纪的墨西哥,也就是《壮观的通用》(大部分)的故事背景地,通用性的主张主要是以让医疗保健更负担得起、更容易获得、更公平的名义提出的。正如海登所言,这种以更多资本主义来解决资本主义不公正问题的计划,本身就会带来不可预知的、但也是完全可以预知的代价。[海登首先揭穿了 "通用性 "最令人信服的说法:它命名了一种药物的单一、无差别的柏拉图本质,而这种本质隐藏在营销炒作和其他文化魅力所产生的区别之下。她指出,在二十一世纪初的墨西哥,有许多种非专利药品,每种药品都有独特的商业和信息基础设施。墨西哥政府正式承认其中两种:化学等效("非专利")药品和生物等效("非专利可互换")药品。海登解释说,跨国制药公司青睐生物等效性,但并不一定是因为它是更真实的相同性标志。与化学等效性一样,生物等效性也是一个人为设计的验证系统,有其自身的任意性,而且往往是循环选择。例如,血液水平要接近多少才算 "相同"?当原始(品牌)产品本身在不同批次之间存在差异时,这种比较又有什么意义呢?迫于国际压力,墨西哥政府正式开始改用生物等效仿制药,并建立了以测量血药浓度为重点的药物检测基础设施。但与此同时,墨西哥政府也消极抵制新制度,继续接受价格更低廉、化学成分相同的仿制药。换句话说,药品只有通过有争议的过程才能成为 "非专利药",这些过程赋予(而不是剥夺)了药品独特的商业、科学和政治意义。海登接下来深入探讨了作为一种政治形式的非专利性。她解释说,21 世纪以前,墨西哥的医药市场被一分为二:私营药店只出售相对昂贵的品牌药品,而国家计划 Seguro 则为正式雇员提供经过认证的 "非专利 "或 "非专利可互换 "药品。这一计划将 5000 多万没有正式工作的墨西哥人排除在外,因此政府于 2003 年推出了一项新计划--"大众医疗计划"(Seguro Popular),为他们提供医疗保障。然而,这项庞大的新计划并没有伴随着对新医疗基础设施的投资,因此受益人即使得到了医疗服务,也是低标准的。这为精英商人冈萨雷斯-托雷斯(González Torres)或 "西米医生 "创造了机会,他在廉价药店网络中销售未经认证、价格较低的 similares("一样但更便宜!"),这些药店通常附属于价格同样低廉的诊所。这种由私营部门替代看似笨拙的国营企业的做法大获成功,是典型的新自由主义做法,它摧毁了政治集体,将公民重塑为个体化、原子化的消费者。人民保险公司甚至开始向受益人提供购买西米公司产品的代金券,将国家资源转向私营部门。然而,海登指出,即使在国家向私营部门倾斜的同时,企业家冈萨雷斯-托雷斯(González Torres)也在通过像国家一样行事来建立传统的政治基础:通过向选民提供重要的社会服务,大张旗鼓地 "聚集 "选民,甚至是大张旗鼓地 "聚集 "选民。在这里,"通用性 "并不是缺乏某种东西--政治,而是一种独特的政治品牌和建立新的政治集体的工具。海登以阿根廷 "西米博士 "非专利企业的命运一章,完成了她对所谓可互换 "非专利 "产品的商业、科学和政治独特性的论证。她认为,西米在墨西哥的成功......
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Spectacular Generic: Pharmaceuticals and the Simipolitical in Mexico by Cori Hayden (review)

Reviewed by:

  • The Spectacular Generic: Pharmaceuticals and the Simipolitical in Mexicoby Cori Hayden
  • David Herzberg
Cori Hayden. The Spectacular Generic: Pharmaceuticals and the Simipolitical in Mexico. Critical Global Health: Evidence, Efficacy, and Ethnography. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2023. xii + 244 pp. Ill. $26.95 (978-1-4780-1904-6).

What is a "generic" medicine? The term wants to signal an absence: no marketing, no branding, just a simple, bare, undifferentiated chemical. Yet as Cori Hayden explains in her brilliant book The Spectacular Generic, claims to genericness are themselves a sort of brand—and a sort of science, and a sort of politics. What sort? Well, actually, lots of different sorts. "Generic" can mean an extraordinary number of things and accomplish many different kinds of work, depending who claims it, for what purposes, and in what historical context. In twenty-first-century Mexico, where The Spectacular Genericis (mostly) set, claims of genericness have predominantly been made in the name of making health care more affordable, more accessible, fairer. As Hayden argues, this plan to fix capitalism's injustices with more capitalism extracts its own unpredictable, yet also all-too-predictable, costs. [End Page 654]

Hayden begins by exploding the most compelling claim of genericness: that it names the single, undifferentiated Platonic essence of a medicine lying beneath distinctions generated by marketing hype and other cultural enchantments. In turn-of-the-twenty-first-century Mexico, she points out, there were many types of generic medicines, each legitimated by a distinctive commercial and informational infrastructure. The Mexican government formally recognized two of them: chemically equivalent ("generic") medicines and bioequivalent ("generic interchangeable") medicines. Transnational pharmaceutical companies favored bioequivalence, Hayden explains, but not necessarily because it was a truer marker of sameness. Like chemical equivalence, bioequivalence is a human-designed validation system with its own arbitrary and often circular choices. How close do blood levels have to be to count as "the same," for example? What do such comparisons even mean when original (branded) products themselves vary from batch to batch? Under international pressure, the Mexican government officially began to switch to bioequivalent generics and built up a drug testing infrastructure focused on measuring blood levels. At the same time, however, it also passively resisted the new regime by continuing to accept cheaper, chemically equivalent generics. Medicines, in other words, became "generic" only through contested processes that imbued them with (rather than stripping them of) distinctive commercial, scientific, and political significance.

Hayden next delves into genericness as a form of politics. Before the twenty-first century, she explains, pharmaceutical markets in Mexico were divided in two: private pharmacies selling only relatively expensive, brand-name medicines, and Seguro, the state program, providing certified "generic" or "generic interchangeable" medicines to the formally employed. This setup excluded over fifty million Mexicans without official employment, and in 2003 the government launched a new program, the Seguro Popular, to provide for them. The huge new program was not accompanied by an investment in new health infrastructure, however, so beneficiaries received substandard care if they received any at all. This created an opening for elite businessman González Torres, or "Dr. Simi," who sold uncertified, less expensive similares ("the same but cheaper!") in a network of inexpensive pharmacies often attached to equally inexpensive clinics. This wildly successful private-sector alternative to a seemingly bungling state enterprise was classically neoliberal, undoing political collectivities and remaking citizens into individual, atomized consumers. The Seguro Popular even began to offer beneficiaries vouchers to buy Simi's similares, redirecting state resources to the private sector. Yet, Hayden points out, even as the state leaned on the private sector, entrepreneur González Torres was building a traditional political base by acting like a state: "gathering" constituents by loudly, even spectacularly providing them with a crucial social service. Here again, genericness was not the absence of something—politics—but rather a vehicle for a distinctive brand of politics and for building new political collectivities.

Hayden completes her case for the commercial, scientific, and political distinctiveness of supposedly interchangeable "generic" goods with a chapter on the fate of "Dr. Simi's" generic enterprise in Argentina. Simi's Mexican success, she [End Page 655]argues, emerged...

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来源期刊
Bulletin of the History of Medicine
Bulletin of the History of Medicine 医学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
28
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: A leading journal in its field for more than three quarters of a century, the Bulletin spans the social, cultural, and scientific aspects of the history of medicine worldwide. Every issue includes reviews of recent books on medical history. Recurring sections include Digital Humanities & Public History and Pedagogy. Bulletin of the History of Medicine is the official publication of the American Association for the History of Medicine (AAHM) and the Johns Hopkins Institute of the History of Medicine.
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