海伦-瑞(Helen Rhee)所著的《早期基督教中的疾病、疼痛和保健》(评论

IF 0.9 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES
Meg Leja
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In this, she builds on her previous books, which examine the formation of Christian communities in the late Roman Empire, focusing in particular on questions of poverty and wealth.</p> <p>The book's structure is clearly conveyed in the title, with five chapters that cover illness, pain, and health care in either \"Greco-Roman\" or \"early Christian\" culture. Chapter 1 treats understandings of disease and health in Greek and Latin works by Hippocrates, Plato, Galen, Plutarch, Aelius Aristides, and Marcus Aurelius, while chapter 2 examines the same themes in ancient and late antique Jewish and Christian religious texts. Chapter 3 demonstrates Christian continuity with Galenic and Stoic conceptions of pain even as Christians reevaluated suffering as a positive force in uniting a community. Finally, chapters 4 and 5 take up the provision of bodily healing within Greco-Roman temple and popular medicine <strong>[End Page 642]</strong> and then Christian communities both before and after the legalization of the religion under Constantine in 313 CE. Though Rhee acknowledges that Christian identity was \"essentially relational\" (p. 2), her methodology tends to treat Greco-Roman and Christian as stable, demarcated categories, with only brief attention to identity formation in the context of internal conflicts, as (for instance) between orthodox and Gnostic Christians or Galenic adherents and the Methodists. In her discussion of a third- or fourth-century Greek charm for uterine suffocation (p. 216), translated and analyzed by Christopher Faraone, Rhee notes the blending of Galenic theory and magical healing but says nothing about the common ground shared by Greek, Jewish, and Christian exorcisms that is suggested here. In such manner, the book does little to challenge ingrained categories of \"pagan\" and \"Christian\" or \"rational\" and \"popular\" medicine.</p> <p>In the introduction Rhee states that she will concentrate on the second through fifth centuries (p. 1), but her thematic interests draw her far earlier in scope, back to the Tanakh and Second Temple literature as well as the Hippocratic Corpus. Although, when it comes to the Church Fathers, she deals with several fifth-century thinkers—Augustine (d. 430 CE), John Cassian (d. 435 CE), and Theodoret of Cyrrhus (d. 457 CE) all appear in chapter 2—with regard to medical writings Rhee prioritizes authors of the second century over those of the fourth or fifth. Thus, chapters 1, 3, and 4 devote significant space to exploring notions of disease, pain, and treatment according to Galen and his predecessors but mention only Caelius Aurelianus when it comes to post-Galenic physicians or philosophers. In this vein, the texts that Rhee highlights are fairly predictable and well-known. It left me wondering why Rhee did not follow through on restricting her study to the second century and later and investigate issues through the lens of textual transmission. In this scenario, the book would not have needed to review ideas of health in the Hippocratic Corpus, but it could have probed <em>which</em> Hippocratic writings were most familiar to Roman intellectuals of the third century (non-Christian and Christian alike) and how individuals of that time read and interpreted these ancient texts according to distinct religious affiliations.</p> <p>One of the greatest strengths of this book is its ability to situate itself at the intersection of many fields of historiography. One of its greatest weaknesses is that it does not make evident what it contributes to a robust line of scholarship on Christian attitudes toward Hippocratic and Galenic \"rational medicine.\" Scholars such as Owsei Temkin, Judith Perkins, Vivian Nutton, Gary Ferngren, and Andrew Crislip have already set forth provocative and persuasive arguments about the fate of Greek medical theory in a Christianized Roman Empire and the means by which Christians defined themselves as a body of co-sufferers and a religion of healing.<sup>1</sup> Rhee is certainly...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":55304,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the History of Medicine","volume":"122 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Illness, Pain, and Health Care in Early Christianity by Helen Rhee (review)\",\"authors\":\"Meg Leja\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/bhm.2023.a922719\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Illness, Pain, and Health Care in Early Christianity</em> by Helen Rhee <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Meg Leja </li> </ul> Helen Rhee. <em>Illness, Pain, and Health Care in Early Christianity</em>. 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In her discussion of a third- or fourth-century Greek charm for uterine suffocation (p. 216), translated and analyzed by Christopher Faraone, Rhee notes the blending of Galenic theory and magical healing but says nothing about the common ground shared by Greek, Jewish, and Christian exorcisms that is suggested here. In such manner, the book does little to challenge ingrained categories of \\\"pagan\\\" and \\\"Christian\\\" or \\\"rational\\\" and \\\"popular\\\" medicine.</p> <p>In the introduction Rhee states that she will concentrate on the second through fifth centuries (p. 1), but her thematic interests draw her far earlier in scope, back to the Tanakh and Second Temple literature as well as the Hippocratic Corpus. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

评论者 海伦-瑞(Helen Rhee)著的《早期基督教中的疾病、疼痛和保健》(Meg Leja Helen Rhee)。早期基督教中的疾病、疼痛与保健》。密歇根州大急流城:Eerdmans 出版社,2022 年。xvi + 352 pp.$49.99 (978-0-8028-7684-3).Rhee在这本研究中探讨了一个复杂的话题,即早期基督徒在接触希腊罗马哲学著作和理性医学传统的过程中,如何发展自己的疾病叙事和治疗方法。在这一点上,她以自己之前的著作为基础,这些著作研究了罗马帝国晚期基督教团体的形成,尤其关注贫穷和财富问题。本书的结构在书名中就有明确的表达,共五章,涵盖了 "希腊罗马 "或 "早期基督教 "文化中的疾病、疼痛和医疗保健。第 1 章论述了希波克拉底、柏拉图、盖伦、普鲁塔克、埃利乌斯-阿里斯蒂德斯和马库斯-奥勒留等人在希腊和拉丁文作品中对疾病和健康的理解,第 2 章则探讨了古代和晚期犹太教和基督教宗教文本中的相同主题。第 3 章展示了基督教与加利尼和斯多葛派痛苦概念的连续性,即使基督徒重新评价痛苦是团结社会的积极力量。最后,第 4 章和第 5 章讨论了希腊罗马神庙和民间医学 [第 642 页完] 以及基督教社区在公元 313 年君士坦丁宗教合法化前后提供身体治疗的情况。虽然 Rhee 承认基督徒身份 "本质上是一种关系"(第 2 页),但她的研究方法倾向于将希腊罗马人和基督徒视为稳定的、有界限的类别,只是简短地关注了内部冲突背景下的身份形成,例如正统基督徒与诺斯替派基督徒之间的冲突,或加利尼派信徒与卫理公会之间的冲突。在讨论克里斯托弗-法罗内(Christopher Faraone)翻译和分析的第三或第四世纪希腊治疗子宫窒息的符咒(第 216 页)时,Rhee 注意到了伽利略理论与魔法治疗的融合,但对这里提出的希腊、犹太和基督教驱魔术的共同点却只字未提。因此,该书几乎没有挑战根深蒂固的 "异教 "和 "基督教 "或 "理性 "和 "流行 "医学的范畴。在引言中,Rhee 表示她将专注于二世纪到五世纪的研究(第 1 页),但她的主题兴趣将她的研究范围拉得更早,可以追溯到塔纳克和第二圣殿文学以及希波克拉底文集。虽然在谈到教父时,她会涉及几位五世纪的思想家--奥古斯丁(卒于公元 430 年)、约翰-卡西安(卒于公元 435 年)和西奥多雷特-西尔侯斯(卒于公元 457 年)都出现在第 2 章中,但在医学著作方面,Rhee 优先考虑的是二世纪的作者,而不是四世纪或五世纪的作者。因此,第 1、3 和 4 章用大量篇幅探讨了盖伦及其前辈关于疾病、疼痛和治疗的概念,但在谈到盖伦之后的医生或哲学家时,只提到了凯利乌斯-奥勒留(Caelius Aurelianus)。因此,Rhee 重点介绍的文本都是可预见的、众所周知的。这让我感到奇怪,为什么 Rhee 没有继续将她的研究局限于二世纪及以后,而是从文本传播的角度来研究问题。在这种情况下,本书就不需要回顾希波克拉底文库中的健康理念,但可以探究哪些希波克拉底著作是三世纪的罗马知识分子(非基督徒和基督徒都有)最熟悉的,以及当时的人们是如何根据不同的宗教信仰来阅读和解释这些古代文本的。本书最大的优点之一是能够将自己置于历史学诸多领域的交叉点上。本书最大的缺点之一是,它没有明确说明它对基督教对希波克拉底和伽利略 "理性医学 "的态度的学术研究有何贡献。欧塞-滕金、朱迪斯-珀金斯、维维安-纳顿、加里-弗伦格伦和安德鲁-克里斯利普等学者已经就希腊医学理论在基督教化的罗马帝国中的命运,以及基督徒将自己定义为共同受苦者团体和治疗宗教的方式,提出了具有启发性和说服力的论点。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Illness, Pain, and Health Care in Early Christianity by Helen Rhee (review)

Reviewed by:

  • Illness, Pain, and Health Care in Early Christianity by Helen Rhee
  • Meg Leja
Helen Rhee. Illness, Pain, and Health Care in Early Christianity. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2022. xvi + 352 pp. $49.99 (978-0-8028-7684-3).

Rhee tackles a complicated topic in this study of how early Christians developed their own narratives of illness and approaches to healing as they engaged with Greco-Roman philosophical writings and rational medical traditions. In this, she builds on her previous books, which examine the formation of Christian communities in the late Roman Empire, focusing in particular on questions of poverty and wealth.

The book's structure is clearly conveyed in the title, with five chapters that cover illness, pain, and health care in either "Greco-Roman" or "early Christian" culture. Chapter 1 treats understandings of disease and health in Greek and Latin works by Hippocrates, Plato, Galen, Plutarch, Aelius Aristides, and Marcus Aurelius, while chapter 2 examines the same themes in ancient and late antique Jewish and Christian religious texts. Chapter 3 demonstrates Christian continuity with Galenic and Stoic conceptions of pain even as Christians reevaluated suffering as a positive force in uniting a community. Finally, chapters 4 and 5 take up the provision of bodily healing within Greco-Roman temple and popular medicine [End Page 642] and then Christian communities both before and after the legalization of the religion under Constantine in 313 CE. Though Rhee acknowledges that Christian identity was "essentially relational" (p. 2), her methodology tends to treat Greco-Roman and Christian as stable, demarcated categories, with only brief attention to identity formation in the context of internal conflicts, as (for instance) between orthodox and Gnostic Christians or Galenic adherents and the Methodists. In her discussion of a third- or fourth-century Greek charm for uterine suffocation (p. 216), translated and analyzed by Christopher Faraone, Rhee notes the blending of Galenic theory and magical healing but says nothing about the common ground shared by Greek, Jewish, and Christian exorcisms that is suggested here. In such manner, the book does little to challenge ingrained categories of "pagan" and "Christian" or "rational" and "popular" medicine.

In the introduction Rhee states that she will concentrate on the second through fifth centuries (p. 1), but her thematic interests draw her far earlier in scope, back to the Tanakh and Second Temple literature as well as the Hippocratic Corpus. Although, when it comes to the Church Fathers, she deals with several fifth-century thinkers—Augustine (d. 430 CE), John Cassian (d. 435 CE), and Theodoret of Cyrrhus (d. 457 CE) all appear in chapter 2—with regard to medical writings Rhee prioritizes authors of the second century over those of the fourth or fifth. Thus, chapters 1, 3, and 4 devote significant space to exploring notions of disease, pain, and treatment according to Galen and his predecessors but mention only Caelius Aurelianus when it comes to post-Galenic physicians or philosophers. In this vein, the texts that Rhee highlights are fairly predictable and well-known. It left me wondering why Rhee did not follow through on restricting her study to the second century and later and investigate issues through the lens of textual transmission. In this scenario, the book would not have needed to review ideas of health in the Hippocratic Corpus, but it could have probed which Hippocratic writings were most familiar to Roman intellectuals of the third century (non-Christian and Christian alike) and how individuals of that time read and interpreted these ancient texts according to distinct religious affiliations.

One of the greatest strengths of this book is its ability to situate itself at the intersection of many fields of historiography. One of its greatest weaknesses is that it does not make evident what it contributes to a robust line of scholarship on Christian attitudes toward Hippocratic and Galenic "rational medicine." Scholars such as Owsei Temkin, Judith Perkins, Vivian Nutton, Gary Ferngren, and Andrew Crislip have already set forth provocative and persuasive arguments about the fate of Greek medical theory in a Christianized Roman Empire and the means by which Christians defined themselves as a body of co-sufferers and a religion of healing.1 Rhee is certainly...

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来源期刊
Bulletin of the History of Medicine
Bulletin of the History of Medicine 医学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
28
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: A leading journal in its field for more than three quarters of a century, the Bulletin spans the social, cultural, and scientific aspects of the history of medicine worldwide. Every issue includes reviews of recent books on medical history. Recurring sections include Digital Humanities & Public History and Pedagogy. Bulletin of the History of Medicine is the official publication of the American Association for the History of Medicine (AAHM) and the Johns Hopkins Institute of the History of Medicine.
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