体现工程:Laura Ann Twagira 著的《二十世纪马里的性别化劳动、食品安全和口味》(评论)

IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE
Devon Golaszewski
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Twagira's new book, <em>Embodied Engineering</em>, takes up these themes via a history of African women's food production, enriching the literature on both the history of technology in Africa and studies of gender and technology.</p> <p><em>Embodied Engineering</em> redefines food security as encompassing the quality, not just quantity, of food: its taste, color, texture; its familiarity and capacity to evoke memory and satiety; its place at the center of household relationships and Malian norms of hospitality; its nutritiousness; and the laboriousness or ease of its production. Malian women were responsible for producing this fulfilling food—labor that included not only cooking but also collecting firewood and wild plants, growing garden produce, pounding grains, producing shea-nut cooking oil, and other work. Centering the historical importance of everyday or \"modest technologies\" like the hoe, metal pot, and wrap skirt, Twagira reveals how Malian women's skill, knowledge, and innovative use of these technologies allowed them to make the landscape a food resource (p. 3). <strong>[End Page 365]</strong></p> <p>In chapter 1, focused on the early twentieth century, Twagira masterfully uses folktales to show how Malian women produced satisfying meals from both cultivated and wild lands. Chapters 2–4 trace life in the Office du Niger, a 100,000-hectare agricultural scheme in central Mali, initially created in the 1930s by colonial officials and maintained after Mali's independence from France in 1960. Because of the deep association of the Office du Niger with mechanized, industrialized, and export-oriented agriculture, Twagira's choice to explore women's food production in this context produces intriguing juxtapositions that allow her to renarrate the history of technological change in West Africa.</p> <p>Chapter 2 identifies the interrelationship of food production and social relationships. Colonial officials imagined the Office du Niger to be a model site of \"modern\" agriculture. But for Malians, it was a space of violence, including forced resettlement, isolation, and food shortages. This was epitomized by the lack of women residents and their difficulty in producing food, as the Office du Niger reordered the landscape into a matrix of roads, canals, fields, and protected forests, limiting women's access to food sources like gardens and wild trees. Chapter 3 examines how women ultimately adapted the Office du Niger's infrastructure into a useful foodscape, for example by building rock staircases to more easily draw water from irrigation canals. In chapter 4, Twagira pairs changes in agricultural technology, like the introduction of mechanized threshers, with a parallel \"modest technological revolution,\" epitomized by the replacement of clay cooking pots with metal ones (<em>negeda</em>) after World War II. Young women, specifically brides, were the technological innovators, as they introduced metal pots via their dowry of household goods. Metal pots altered the dynamics of labor time by cooking food faster and requiring less wood, saving women time that they reallocated to other tasks. This chapter also offers an excellent example of Twagira's attention to the sensory and embodied experiences of food production, engaging Marcel Mauss's concept of the \"body as a natural tool\" (pp. 149–50)—metal pots required new physical movements when stirring the thick staple porridge <em>toh</em> and produced new sounds as the stirring spoon hit the pot's walls. The final chapter presents a visceral exploration of food insecurity during the 1969–73 Sahelian drought and famine. While the Office du Niger was comparatively better off than other areas of Mali, the postcolonial regime sought to monopolize the region's rice production via coercive measures. 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Malian women were responsible for producing this fulfilling food—labor that included not only cooking but also collecting firewood and wild plants, growing garden produce, pounding grains, producing shea-nut cooking oil, and other work. Centering the historical importance of everyday or \\\"modest technologies\\\" like the hoe, metal pot, and wrap skirt, Twagira reveals how Malian women's skill, knowledge, and innovative use of these technologies allowed them to make the landscape a food resource (p. 3). <strong>[End Page 365]</strong></p> <p>In chapter 1, focused on the early twentieth century, Twagira masterfully uses folktales to show how Malian women produced satisfying meals from both cultivated and wild lands. Chapters 2–4 trace life in the Office du Niger, a 100,000-hectare agricultural scheme in central Mali, initially created in the 1930s by colonial officials and maintained after Mali's independence from France in 1960. Because of the deep association of the Office du Niger with mechanized, industrialized, and export-oriented agriculture, Twagira's choice to explore women's food production in this context produces intriguing juxtapositions that allow her to renarrate the history of technological change in West Africa.</p> <p>Chapter 2 identifies the interrelationship of food production and social relationships. Colonial officials imagined the Office du Niger to be a model site of \\\"modern\\\" agriculture. But for Malians, it was a space of violence, including forced resettlement, isolation, and food shortages. This was epitomized by the lack of women residents and their difficulty in producing food, as the Office du Niger reordered the landscape into a matrix of roads, canals, fields, and protected forests, limiting women's access to food sources like gardens and wild trees. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

审查人: 嵌入式工程:Laura Ann Twagira 著 Devon Golaszewski 译 Embodied Engineering:二十世纪马里的性别化劳动、食品安全和品味》,作者 Laura Ann Twagira。雅典:俄亥俄大学出版社,2021 年。Pp.344.劳拉-安-特瓦吉拉(Laura Ann Twagira)在为本刊 2020 年 4 月特刊 "技术史非洲化 "撰写的导言中,指出了以非洲技术经验为中心的学术研究中出现的关键主题,包括行动中的技术、基础设施的改造、稀缺性和创造性。特瓦吉拉的新书《嵌入式工程》通过非洲妇女的食品生产史探讨了这些主题,丰富了有关非洲技术史以及性别与技术研究的文献。体现工程 "将粮食安全重新定义为包括食物的质量,而不仅仅是数量:食物的味道、颜色、质地;食物的熟悉程度以及唤起记忆和饱腹感的能力;食物在家庭关系和马里待客规范中的中心地位;食物的营养;以及食物生产的费力或容易程度。马里妇女负责生产这种令人满足的食物,她们的劳动不仅包括烹饪,还包括收集木柴和野生植物、种植园艺产品、捣碎谷物、生产乳木果食用油以及其他工作。特瓦吉拉以锄头、铁锅和裹裙等日常或 "适度技术 "的历史重要性为中心,揭示了马里妇女如何凭借自己的技能、知识和对这些技术的创新使用,将风景变成食物资源(第 3 页)。[第 1 章的重点是 20 世纪初,特瓦吉拉巧妙地利用民间故事来展示马里妇女如何利用耕地和荒地制作令人满意的食物。第 2-4 章描写了尼日尔办事处的生活,这是马里中部一个占地 10 万公顷的农业计划,最初由殖民官员于 20 世纪 30 年代创建,马里于 1960 年脱离法国独立后继续保留。由于尼日尔办公室与机械化、工业化和出口导向型农业有着深刻的联系,特瓦吉拉选择在这一背景下探讨妇女的粮食生产,产生了引人入胜的并置效果,使她得以重新叙述西非的技术变革史。第 2 章指出了粮食生产与社会关系的相互关系。殖民官员将尼日尔办事处想象成 "现代 "农业的典范。但对马里人来说,这是一个充满暴力的地方,包括强迫重新定居、与世隔绝和粮食短缺。尼日尔办事处将这里的地形重新划分为道路、运河、田地和受保护的森林,限制了妇女获得花园和野生树木等食物来源的机会,因此这里没有女性居民,她们也很难生产食物。第 3 章探讨了妇女如何最终将尼日尔政府的基础设施改造成有用的食物景观,例如通过建造石梯更方便地从灌溉渠中取水。在第 4 章中,特瓦吉拉将农业技术的变化(如机械化脱粒机的引进)与平行的 "适度技术革命"(二战后用金属锅(negeda)取代粘土锅)相提并论。年轻女性,特别是新娘,是技术创新的推动者,因为她们通过嫁妆中的家庭用品引入了金属锅。金属锅改变了劳动时间的动态变化,烹饪食物的速度更快,所需的木材更少,从而节省了妇女的时间,她们可以将这些时间重新分配给其他工作。这一章也是特瓦吉拉关注食物生产的感官和身体体验的一个极好例子,引用了马塞尔-莫斯(Marcel Mauss)的 "身体是天然工具 "的概念(第 149-50 页)--金属锅在搅拌浓稠的主食粥 toh 时需要新的肢体动作,搅拌勺撞击锅壁时会产生新的声音。最后一章对 1969-73 年萨赫勒干旱和饥荒期间的粮食不安全问题进行了深入探讨。虽然尼日尔办事处比马里其他地区相对富裕,但后殖民政权试图通过强制措施垄断该地区的稻米生产。和以前一样,马里妇女负责粮食安全,无论是让粮食援助变得可口,还是将一捆捆大米伪装成......................
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Embodied Engineering: Gendered Labor, Food Security, and Taste in Twentieth-Century Mali by Laura Ann Twagira (review)

Reviewed by:

  • Embodied Engineering: Gendered Labor, Food Security, and Taste in Twentieth-Century Mali by Laura Ann Twagira
  • Devon Golaszewski (bio)
Embodied Engineering: Gendered Labor, Food Security, and Taste in Twentieth-Century Mali By Laura Ann Twagira. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2021. Pp. 344.

In her introduction to this journal's April 2020 special issue on "Africanizing the History of Technology," Laura Ann Twagira identified key themes emerging from scholarship centering African experiences of technology, including technology in action, the remaking of infrastructure, scarcity, and creativity. Twagira's new book, Embodied Engineering, takes up these themes via a history of African women's food production, enriching the literature on both the history of technology in Africa and studies of gender and technology.

Embodied Engineering redefines food security as encompassing the quality, not just quantity, of food: its taste, color, texture; its familiarity and capacity to evoke memory and satiety; its place at the center of household relationships and Malian norms of hospitality; its nutritiousness; and the laboriousness or ease of its production. Malian women were responsible for producing this fulfilling food—labor that included not only cooking but also collecting firewood and wild plants, growing garden produce, pounding grains, producing shea-nut cooking oil, and other work. Centering the historical importance of everyday or "modest technologies" like the hoe, metal pot, and wrap skirt, Twagira reveals how Malian women's skill, knowledge, and innovative use of these technologies allowed them to make the landscape a food resource (p. 3). [End Page 365]

In chapter 1, focused on the early twentieth century, Twagira masterfully uses folktales to show how Malian women produced satisfying meals from both cultivated and wild lands. Chapters 2–4 trace life in the Office du Niger, a 100,000-hectare agricultural scheme in central Mali, initially created in the 1930s by colonial officials and maintained after Mali's independence from France in 1960. Because of the deep association of the Office du Niger with mechanized, industrialized, and export-oriented agriculture, Twagira's choice to explore women's food production in this context produces intriguing juxtapositions that allow her to renarrate the history of technological change in West Africa.

Chapter 2 identifies the interrelationship of food production and social relationships. Colonial officials imagined the Office du Niger to be a model site of "modern" agriculture. But for Malians, it was a space of violence, including forced resettlement, isolation, and food shortages. This was epitomized by the lack of women residents and their difficulty in producing food, as the Office du Niger reordered the landscape into a matrix of roads, canals, fields, and protected forests, limiting women's access to food sources like gardens and wild trees. Chapter 3 examines how women ultimately adapted the Office du Niger's infrastructure into a useful foodscape, for example by building rock staircases to more easily draw water from irrigation canals. In chapter 4, Twagira pairs changes in agricultural technology, like the introduction of mechanized threshers, with a parallel "modest technological revolution," epitomized by the replacement of clay cooking pots with metal ones (negeda) after World War II. Young women, specifically brides, were the technological innovators, as they introduced metal pots via their dowry of household goods. Metal pots altered the dynamics of labor time by cooking food faster and requiring less wood, saving women time that they reallocated to other tasks. This chapter also offers an excellent example of Twagira's attention to the sensory and embodied experiences of food production, engaging Marcel Mauss's concept of the "body as a natural tool" (pp. 149–50)—metal pots required new physical movements when stirring the thick staple porridge toh and produced new sounds as the stirring spoon hit the pot's walls. The final chapter presents a visceral exploration of food insecurity during the 1969–73 Sahelian drought and famine. While the Office du Niger was comparatively better off than other areas of Mali, the postcolonial regime sought to monopolize the region's rice production via coercive measures. As in earlier eras, it was Malian women who were responsible for food security, whether by making food aid palatable or hiding bundles of rice from anti-smuggling police by disguising it as...

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来源期刊
Technology and Culture
Technology and Culture 社会科学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
14.30%
发文量
225
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: Technology and Culture, the preeminent journal of the history of technology, draws on scholarship in diverse disciplines to publish insightful pieces intended for general readers as well as specialists. Subscribers include scientists, engineers, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, museum curators, archivists, scholars, librarians, educators, historians, and many others. In addition to scholarly essays, each issue features 30-40 book reviews and reviews of new museum exhibitions. To illuminate important debates and draw attention to specific topics, the journal occasionally publishes thematic issues. Technology and Culture is the official journal of the Society for the History of Technology (SHOT).
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