总统鹰派、国内支持率和外交正常化

IF 1.1 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE
James D. Kim
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引用次数: 0

摘要

美国何时与对手实现外交关系正常化?本文介绍了外交正常化理论,重点关注总统的鹰派倾向与其国内支持率之间的相互作用。我认为,当鸽派总统的国内支持率急剧下降时,他们更有可能追求正常化,因为这使他们将优先事项转向他们认为自己在处理政策时更得心应手、更有信心的政策。当鸽派总统享有很高的支持率时,他们不太可能推行正常化,以免危及有利的公众支持。相比之下,鹰派总统无论在国内的地位如何,通常都不会支持正常化,因为这与他们的首要政策不一致。例外情况是,鹰派程度特别高的总统能够在不失去支持的情况下寻求和解。我使用 1950 年至 2005 年美国总统的潜在鹰派程度及其外交正常化决策的数据来检验我的理论预期。实证证据支持了所有假设,强调了在研究外交政策决策时理解领导人个人特质与国内政治气候之间相互作用的重要性。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Presidential hawkishness, domestic popularity, and diplomatic normalization
When does the United States normalize its diplomatic relations with its adversaries? This article introduces a theory of diplomatic normalization, focusing on the interaction between the hawkishness of presidents and their domestic popularity. I argue that dovish presidents are more likely to pursue normalization when their domestic approval ratings plummet, as this makes them shift their priorities toward policies they find themselves more comfortable and confident handling. Doves are less likely to pursue normalization when they enjoy high popularity, so as not to jeopardize favorable public support. In contrast, hawkish presidents typically do not support normalization, regardless of their domestic standing, as it does not align with their top policy priorities. The exception arises in the rare instance of a president with an exceptionally high degree of hawkishness who is able to pursue reconciliation without losing his support. I test my theoretical expectations using data on U.S. presidents' latent hawkishness and their diplomatic normalization decisions from 1950 to 2005. The empirical evidence supports all hypotheses, underscoring the importance of understanding the interaction between a leader's personal attributes and the domestic political climate when studying foreign policy decisions.
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来源期刊
Presidential Studies Quarterly
Presidential Studies Quarterly POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
2.10
自引率
12.50%
发文量
47
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