{"title":"关于巴伐利亚斯拉夫地名的日耳曼化","authors":"H. Bichlmeier","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00079.bic","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The way in which Slavic names in Bavaria have been transmitted into Old High German has been well researched already, but open questions remain. It is possible to date the loan processes when the names contain sounds with diagnostic value or show datable sound changes, such as the metathesis of liquids or the rounding of Proto-Slavic *a to Common Slavic *o or when Slavic *b is substituted by OHG *v > f. The integration of Slavic names into OHG started before 800 and came to an end around 1100. The way in which Slavic *ě was loaned also might play a role in dating these processes, but the situation remains unclear so far: Mostly it appears as OHG e, ē, but in a few cases there is a resulting sound containing /i/. This sound may have come into existence either by an early integration of Slavic *ě as OHG *ē2 or when a younger Sorbian raising of *ě to some i-diphthong had already taken place.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Zur Eindeutschung slawischer Ortsnamen in Bayern\",\"authors\":\"H. Bichlmeier\",\"doi\":\"10.1075/nowele.00079.bic\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The way in which Slavic names in Bavaria have been transmitted into Old High German has been well researched already, but open questions remain. It is possible to date the loan processes when the names contain sounds with diagnostic value or show datable sound changes, such as the metathesis of liquids or the rounding of Proto-Slavic *a to Common Slavic *o or when Slavic *b is substituted by OHG *v > f. The integration of Slavic names into OHG started before 800 and came to an end around 1100. The way in which Slavic *ě was loaned also might play a role in dating these processes, but the situation remains unclear so far: Mostly it appears as OHG e, ē, but in a few cases there is a resulting sound containing /i/. This sound may have come into existence either by an early integration of Slavic *ě as OHG *ē2 or when a younger Sorbian raising of *ě to some i-diphthong had already taken place.\",\"PeriodicalId\":508604,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-12-12\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00079.bic\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00079.bic","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
关于巴伐利亚的斯拉夫语地名如何传入古高地德语的问题已经有了深入的研究，但仍有一些悬而未决的问题。当地名中包含具有诊断价值的音或显示可确定日期的音变时，就有可能确定借用过程的日期，如液体的变音或原斯拉夫语 *a 变为普通斯拉夫语 *o 或斯拉夫语 *b 被奥高德语 *v > f 取代。斯拉夫语*ě的借入方式也可能对这些过程的年代起作用，但至今情况仍不清楚： 大多数情况下，它以 OHG e, ē 的形式出现，但在少数情况下，会产生一个包含 /i/ 的音。 这个音可能是斯拉夫语*ě早期整合为OHG *ē2时出现的，也可能是年轻的索布语人将*ě提升为某个i-双元音时出现的。
The way in which Slavic names in Bavaria have been transmitted into Old High German has been well researched already, but open questions remain. It is possible to date the loan processes when the names contain sounds with diagnostic value or show datable sound changes, such as the metathesis of liquids or the rounding of Proto-Slavic *a to Common Slavic *o or when Slavic *b is substituted by OHG *v > f. The integration of Slavic names into OHG started before 800 and came to an end around 1100. The way in which Slavic *ě was loaned also might play a role in dating these processes, but the situation remains unclear so far: Mostly it appears as OHG e, ē, but in a few cases there is a resulting sound containing /i/. This sound may have come into existence either by an early integration of Slavic *ě as OHG *ē2 or when a younger Sorbian raising of *ě to some i-diphthong had already taken place.
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