{"title":"转型中的丰田市:面临全球化和社会变革的汽车城。作者:NibeNobuhiko、MariNakamura、HiroshiYamaguchi(编著),新加坡:新加坡:施普林格出版社。2022 年。139.99 美元(精装本)。ISBN: 978-981-16-9831-6","authors":"Ashita Matsumiya","doi":"10.1111/ijjs.12157","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>“Toyota” is an iconic figure in Japanese studies that has attracted worldwide attention from various academic perspectives. Toyota Motor Corporation has been of central interest in the fields of economics, management, and labor, not only in Japan but also in the study of Japan abroad. These studies have focused on management perspectives on “Toyotism,” such as Toyota Production System (TPS) and Toyota New Global Architecture (TNGA), as well as sociological studies on labor-management relations.</p><p>Unlike these, this book focuses on the community issues in Toyota City as an advanced industrial city. Why does this book focus on Toyota City? This is because of its economic importance and unique urban form brought about by being the center of the global automobile industry. However, the significance of this study lies not only in these characteristics of Toyota City but also in its theoretical perspective and the richness of its sociological analysis, both in terms of quantity and quality. An important sociological contribution of this study is its analysis based on two large-scale surveys of Toyota City residents conducted in 2009 and 2015, as well as an extensive field survey by the research group. To confirm this, I provide an overview of the contents of this book, which is divided into three parts.</p><p>Part 1 discusses a survey of the entire Toyota City area. In Chapter 1, the authors present their theoretical framework, which incorporates network theory into the Weberian group theory of closure and exclusion, which is effective in capturing the relationship between Toyota Motor Corporation and local communities in the “maturity stage,” as opposed to the Marxian framework, which is based on the concepts of “exploitation” and “domination.” In addition, this theoretical framework differs from the “network analysis” and “social capital theory” that have become mainstream in recent years. Based on this theoretical foundation, to clearly grasp the spatial positioning of Toyota City, the authors classify the city along two analytical axes, the degree of industrial development and that of urbanization within the region, and identify the characteristics of a relatively rich neighborhood relationship between work and residential areas and a low dynamic density. The 2009 survey of residents based on this perspective revealed that residents of Toyota City, who had been considered disengaged from the local community from the Marxian perspective of “exploitation,” were found to be active participants in community-building activities. In Part 1, the persistence and transformation process of Toyota City's characteristics is revealed by comparing the results of this 2009 survey with those of the 2015 survey.</p><p>Based on this theoretical framework, demographic and sociological indicators in Chapter 2 reveal a trend of declining community-building activities in Toyota City, particularly a significant decline in women's participation. Chapter 3 documents that factors such as the informalization and mobility of employment, widening inequality, increasing inmarriage, and declining fertility rates have weakened regional ties and reduced participation in community-building activities. A case analysis of retirees from Toyota and other companies who have become involved in agriculture and self-help group activities is presented in Chapter 4. The findings suggest the possibility of creating new industrial-agricultural and agricultural-social networks. In this way, the unique characteristics of Toyota City as an advanced industry are revealed, and the significance of the authors' focus on the regional level is evident.</p><p>Part 2 focuses on the community level and analyzes community-building activities in the new town built in the territory of Toyota City. Chapter 5 describes how the proximity of work and residential areas in Higashiyama District, a new town in Toyota City, maintains stable social ties in the community and provides support for residents in their retirement years. This is unusual in a modern city where social ties tend to weaken. Chapter 6 further explores the current situation and the factors behind it. This chapter identifies participation mechanisms in community-building activities, especially among second-generation residents and across gender lines. The role of events and festivals organized by local community organizations contributes to the revitalization of such community-building activities (Chapter 7). This monograph clearly captures the characteristics of the local community in Toyota City and is considered an indication of the significance of this study.</p><p>Part 3 analyzes a survey on immigrant workers from abroad and the local community in Toyota City, where Toyota Motor Corporation and other manufacturing industries are concentrated. At this point, I briefly explain the background of immigrants and local communities in Japan and the “invisible residents” that this book attempts to theoretically challenge. With the labor shortage under the bubble economy of the late 1980s, the Immigration Control and Refugee-Recognition Law was amended in 1990, which allowed the immigration of foreign nationals of Japanese descent. Many of their residences were located in the suburbs of large cities where automobile-related factories were concentrated, and their livelihoods were threatened by their increasing economic deprivation. Kajita et al.'s (<span>2005</span>) “invisible residents” theory provides an authoritative perspective on these problems. Accordingly, structural problems in Japanese society, which include an employment system that requires migrant workers, problems related to the structure of the industry, and a lack of immigrant policy at the national level, are imposed on regions where high concentrations of immigrants reside. It portrayed a mechanism that, although the concentration of Japanese Brazilians in such regions continues, they form “divided communities” short on human resources and social capital. This increases the number of “invisible residents” who are not perceived by local society owing to their lack of social life, and local society pays for external diseconomies that the market creates (Kajita et al., <span>2005</span>).</p><p>What insights does this book offer regarding the issues surrounding the concentration of immigrants and their relationships in local communities? The labor and community issues surrounding these Japanese immigrants, particularly Japanese Brazilians, are analyzed through a case study of the Homi housing complex in Toyota City, which has the largest concentration of Japanese Brazilians in Japan. Based on a historical analysis of various activities in the Homi housing complex, Chapter 8 provides an overview of the immigration process of Japanese Brazilians to Japan and the problems of living in Japanese society. Chapter 9 discusses the results of a questionnaire survey administered to both Japanese and Brazilian residents. Contrary to the theory of “invisible residents,” the survey reveals that networks were formed among both compatriots and Japanese and that these networks were the medium through which some groups found employment as regular employees. Chapter 10 provides a more detailed analysis of the survey and interview data. Here, the authors emphasize that social participation in response to collective needs is possible, especially among the settled population. While this finding is important in considering issues of foreign settlement and social stratification in Japan, the authors also highlight that while such hierarchical mobility is observed, Japanese Brazilians remain in a “semi-peripheral” working condition. Despite these circumstances, Japanese Brazilians have developed a certain degree of neighborhood relations and community participation, and the function of festivals in the Homi complex is presented as an important element of this movement (Chapter 11). Together with the results of the survey of festivals in New Town in Chapter 7, this adds depth to the analysis.</p><p>Chapter 12 presents the results of qualitative and quantitative Toyota City surveys and analyses. The results have three major implications.</p><p>The first implication is that Toyota City's characteristics as a low-density, high-income suburban industrial city are unique among cities worldwide. In capturing this urban character, it does not fit either the conventions of the Chicago School, the ideas of the new urban sociology, or the Marxian structural analysis that would bring about a theoretical renewal of urban studies. Thus, this book is not only an analysis of the impact of a global corporation such as Toyota Motor Corporation on local communities but is also a significant contribution to the theoretical construction of future urban studies. This point also concerns the contribution of the second implication of this study, the Class Theory. The analysis in this book, which focuses on residents of Toyota City and differs significantly from previous Toyota studies, suggests its potential for development into a sociology of labor and Class Theory. It is not a theory based on the Marxian theory of the value of labor but a revitalization of class utilizing the Weberian logic of group formation and closure and social capital theory. Toyota's global production system, represented by the introduction of the Toyota Network System and TNGA strategy in the late 1980s, has largely influenced these developments. By accurately situating these global changes, this book presents clues for the construction of a new theory.</p><p>The third implication is that the impact of Toyota's global production organization and demographic and sociological changes in Japan are weakening local ties and decreasing participation in local communities. These trends will significantly change the character of the community of Toyota City, the home of Toyota Motor Corporation. This is a perspective that cannot be overlooked when examining the future of advanced industrial cities. However, it also suggests the possibility of alternative networks, such as the possible expansion into agricultural activities discussed in Part 1, the community-building activities in New Town analyzed in Part 2, and the network between Japanese Brazilians and Japanese in Part 3. Here, I can read more into the central theme of this book: the fluctuation of Toyota City, which has maintained a “middle-class society” regional structure, a high degree of settlement, active community-building activities, and the possibility of new developments in the future.</p><p>As is clear from the results discussed above, these findings can be developed not only for the study of Japanese communities but also in the context of various global studies. Although the book is essentially a translation and directed at the Japanese academic community, the content is open to dialogue with other academic disciplines, including urban, international labor, and migration studies. Here, I highlight two points that should be considered for future research.</p><p>The first is the development of a comparative urban study. The editors of this book and others have conducted large-scale surveys of residents not only in Toyota City but also in Kariya City, Aichi Prefecture, and Yokkaichi City, Mie Prefecture, and have published the results of their comparative urban research. To make the implications of this book for urban research even more meaningful, it is important to develop it into an international comparative study. Through such international comparative urban studies, the unique characteristics of Toyota City and the unique theoretical perspective of this book will be demonstrated more clearly.</p><p>Second, I highlight the nodal potential for the study of global migrant labor. This book focuses on the lives of the local community residents of Toyota City. However, the findings can be read not only in the context of the Japanese–Brazilian workers described in Part 3 but also in the labor market and community life in an advanced industrial area in Japan. As with the first point, the numerous findings and unique theoretical framework should be tested by connecting them to comparative studies on international labor markets and migration.</p><p>As repeatedly discussed, Toyota research to date has been divided into two categories: research based on the exploitation of workers by corporations, as symbolized by Kamata (<span>1983</span>), and on the superior characteristics of the TPS. This book differs in that it opens up a unique field of research, both theoretically and empirically. These results should also form part of an international comparative research platform.</p>","PeriodicalId":29652,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Sociology","volume":"34 1","pages":"231-234"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ijjs.12157","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Toyota City in transition: A motor town facing globalization and social changes. By Nibe Nobuhiko, Mari Nakamura, Hiroshi Yamaguchi (Eds.), Singapore: Springer. 2022. pp. 240. US$ 139.99 (hardback). ISBN: 978-981-16-9831-6\",\"authors\":\"Ashita Matsumiya\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/ijjs.12157\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>“Toyota” is an iconic figure in Japanese studies that has attracted worldwide attention from various academic perspectives. Toyota Motor Corporation has been of central interest in the fields of economics, management, and labor, not only in Japan but also in the study of Japan abroad. These studies have focused on management perspectives on “Toyotism,” such as Toyota Production System (TPS) and Toyota New Global Architecture (TNGA), as well as sociological studies on labor-management relations.</p><p>Unlike these, this book focuses on the community issues in Toyota City as an advanced industrial city. Why does this book focus on Toyota City? This is because of its economic importance and unique urban form brought about by being the center of the global automobile industry. However, the significance of this study lies not only in these characteristics of Toyota City but also in its theoretical perspective and the richness of its sociological analysis, both in terms of quantity and quality. An important sociological contribution of this study is its analysis based on two large-scale surveys of Toyota City residents conducted in 2009 and 2015, as well as an extensive field survey by the research group. To confirm this, I provide an overview of the contents of this book, which is divided into three parts.</p><p>Part 1 discusses a survey of the entire Toyota City area. In Chapter 1, the authors present their theoretical framework, which incorporates network theory into the Weberian group theory of closure and exclusion, which is effective in capturing the relationship between Toyota Motor Corporation and local communities in the “maturity stage,” as opposed to the Marxian framework, which is based on the concepts of “exploitation” and “domination.” In addition, this theoretical framework differs from the “network analysis” and “social capital theory” that have become mainstream in recent years. Based on this theoretical foundation, to clearly grasp the spatial positioning of Toyota City, the authors classify the city along two analytical axes, the degree of industrial development and that of urbanization within the region, and identify the characteristics of a relatively rich neighborhood relationship between work and residential areas and a low dynamic density. The 2009 survey of residents based on this perspective revealed that residents of Toyota City, who had been considered disengaged from the local community from the Marxian perspective of “exploitation,” were found to be active participants in community-building activities. In Part 1, the persistence and transformation process of Toyota City's characteristics is revealed by comparing the results of this 2009 survey with those of the 2015 survey.</p><p>Based on this theoretical framework, demographic and sociological indicators in Chapter 2 reveal a trend of declining community-building activities in Toyota City, particularly a significant decline in women's participation. Chapter 3 documents that factors such as the informalization and mobility of employment, widening inequality, increasing inmarriage, and declining fertility rates have weakened regional ties and reduced participation in community-building activities. A case analysis of retirees from Toyota and other companies who have become involved in agriculture and self-help group activities is presented in Chapter 4. The findings suggest the possibility of creating new industrial-agricultural and agricultural-social networks. In this way, the unique characteristics of Toyota City as an advanced industry are revealed, and the significance of the authors' focus on the regional level is evident.</p><p>Part 2 focuses on the community level and analyzes community-building activities in the new town built in the territory of Toyota City. Chapter 5 describes how the proximity of work and residential areas in Higashiyama District, a new town in Toyota City, maintains stable social ties in the community and provides support for residents in their retirement years. This is unusual in a modern city where social ties tend to weaken. Chapter 6 further explores the current situation and the factors behind it. This chapter identifies participation mechanisms in community-building activities, especially among second-generation residents and across gender lines. The role of events and festivals organized by local community organizations contributes to the revitalization of such community-building activities (Chapter 7). This monograph clearly captures the characteristics of the local community in Toyota City and is considered an indication of the significance of this study.</p><p>Part 3 analyzes a survey on immigrant workers from abroad and the local community in Toyota City, where Toyota Motor Corporation and other manufacturing industries are concentrated. At this point, I briefly explain the background of immigrants and local communities in Japan and the “invisible residents” that this book attempts to theoretically challenge. With the labor shortage under the bubble economy of the late 1980s, the Immigration Control and Refugee-Recognition Law was amended in 1990, which allowed the immigration of foreign nationals of Japanese descent. Many of their residences were located in the suburbs of large cities where automobile-related factories were concentrated, and their livelihoods were threatened by their increasing economic deprivation. Kajita et al.'s (<span>2005</span>) “invisible residents” theory provides an authoritative perspective on these problems. Accordingly, structural problems in Japanese society, which include an employment system that requires migrant workers, problems related to the structure of the industry, and a lack of immigrant policy at the national level, are imposed on regions where high concentrations of immigrants reside. It portrayed a mechanism that, although the concentration of Japanese Brazilians in such regions continues, they form “divided communities” short on human resources and social capital. This increases the number of “invisible residents” who are not perceived by local society owing to their lack of social life, and local society pays for external diseconomies that the market creates (Kajita et al., <span>2005</span>).</p><p>What insights does this book offer regarding the issues surrounding the concentration of immigrants and their relationships in local communities? The labor and community issues surrounding these Japanese immigrants, particularly Japanese Brazilians, are analyzed through a case study of the Homi housing complex in Toyota City, which has the largest concentration of Japanese Brazilians in Japan. Based on a historical analysis of various activities in the Homi housing complex, Chapter 8 provides an overview of the immigration process of Japanese Brazilians to Japan and the problems of living in Japanese society. Chapter 9 discusses the results of a questionnaire survey administered to both Japanese and Brazilian residents. Contrary to the theory of “invisible residents,” the survey reveals that networks were formed among both compatriots and Japanese and that these networks were the medium through which some groups found employment as regular employees. Chapter 10 provides a more detailed analysis of the survey and interview data. Here, the authors emphasize that social participation in response to collective needs is possible, especially among the settled population. While this finding is important in considering issues of foreign settlement and social stratification in Japan, the authors also highlight that while such hierarchical mobility is observed, Japanese Brazilians remain in a “semi-peripheral” working condition. Despite these circumstances, Japanese Brazilians have developed a certain degree of neighborhood relations and community participation, and the function of festivals in the Homi complex is presented as an important element of this movement (Chapter 11). Together with the results of the survey of festivals in New Town in Chapter 7, this adds depth to the analysis.</p><p>Chapter 12 presents the results of qualitative and quantitative Toyota City surveys and analyses. The results have three major implications.</p><p>The first implication is that Toyota City's characteristics as a low-density, high-income suburban industrial city are unique among cities worldwide. In capturing this urban character, it does not fit either the conventions of the Chicago School, the ideas of the new urban sociology, or the Marxian structural analysis that would bring about a theoretical renewal of urban studies. Thus, this book is not only an analysis of the impact of a global corporation such as Toyota Motor Corporation on local communities but is also a significant contribution to the theoretical construction of future urban studies. This point also concerns the contribution of the second implication of this study, the Class Theory. The analysis in this book, which focuses on residents of Toyota City and differs significantly from previous Toyota studies, suggests its potential for development into a sociology of labor and Class Theory. It is not a theory based on the Marxian theory of the value of labor but a revitalization of class utilizing the Weberian logic of group formation and closure and social capital theory. Toyota's global production system, represented by the introduction of the Toyota Network System and TNGA strategy in the late 1980s, has largely influenced these developments. By accurately situating these global changes, this book presents clues for the construction of a new theory.</p><p>The third implication is that the impact of Toyota's global production organization and demographic and sociological changes in Japan are weakening local ties and decreasing participation in local communities. These trends will significantly change the character of the community of Toyota City, the home of Toyota Motor Corporation. This is a perspective that cannot be overlooked when examining the future of advanced industrial cities. However, it also suggests the possibility of alternative networks, such as the possible expansion into agricultural activities discussed in Part 1, the community-building activities in New Town analyzed in Part 2, and the network between Japanese Brazilians and Japanese in Part 3. Here, I can read more into the central theme of this book: the fluctuation of Toyota City, which has maintained a “middle-class society” regional structure, a high degree of settlement, active community-building activities, and the possibility of new developments in the future.</p><p>As is clear from the results discussed above, these findings can be developed not only for the study of Japanese communities but also in the context of various global studies. Although the book is essentially a translation and directed at the Japanese academic community, the content is open to dialogue with other academic disciplines, including urban, international labor, and migration studies. Here, I highlight two points that should be considered for future research.</p><p>The first is the development of a comparative urban study. The editors of this book and others have conducted large-scale surveys of residents not only in Toyota City but also in Kariya City, Aichi Prefecture, and Yokkaichi City, Mie Prefecture, and have published the results of their comparative urban research. To make the implications of this book for urban research even more meaningful, it is important to develop it into an international comparative study. Through such international comparative urban studies, the unique characteristics of Toyota City and the unique theoretical perspective of this book will be demonstrated more clearly.</p><p>Second, I highlight the nodal potential for the study of global migrant labor. This book focuses on the lives of the local community residents of Toyota City. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
由于20世纪80年代末泡沫经济造成的劳动力短缺,1990年修改了《移民管理及难民承认法》,允许日裔外国人移民。他们中的许多人居住在大城市的郊区,那里集中了与汽车有关的工厂,他们的生计受到日益严重的经济剥夺的威胁。Kajita et al.(2005)的“隐形居民”理论为这些问题提供了权威的视角。因此,日本社会的结构性问题,包括需要移民工人的雇佣制度、产业结构相关问题、国家层面的移民政策缺失等,都强加给了移民集中的地区。它描述了一种机制,尽管日裔巴西人继续集中在这些地区,但他们形成了缺乏人力资源和社会资本的“分裂社区”。这增加了由于缺乏社会生活而不被当地社会感知的“隐形居民”的数量,当地社会为市场造成的外部不经济买单(Kajita et al., 2005)。关于移民的集中及其在当地社区的关系,这本书提供了什么见解?围绕这些日本移民,特别是日本巴西移民的劳工和社区问题,通过对丰田市Homi住宅区的案例研究进行了分析,该住宅区是日本巴西人在日本最集中的地区。第8章通过对Homi住宅区各种活动的历史分析,概述了日裔巴西人移民日本的过程以及在日本社会中生活的问题。第9章讨论了对日本和巴西居民进行问卷调查的结果。与“隐形居民”理论相反,调查显示,同胞和日本人之间都形成了网络,这些网络是一些群体作为正式雇员找到工作的媒介。第10章对调查和访谈数据进行了更详细的分析。在这里,作者强调社会参与对集体需求的反应是可能的,特别是在定居人口中。虽然这一发现对于考虑日本的外国定居和社会分层问题很重要,但作者还强调,虽然观察到这种等级流动,但日裔巴西人仍然处于“半外围”的工作条件。尽管如此,日裔巴西人还是发展了一定程度的邻里关系和社区参与,而节日在Homi建筑群中的作用是这一运动的重要元素(第11章)。结合第七章对新市镇节日的调查结果,增加了分析的深度。第12章介绍了定性和定量丰田市调查和分析的结果。研究结果有三个主要含义。第一个含义是,丰田市作为一个低密度、高收入的郊区工业城市的特点在全球城市中是独一无二的。在捕捉这种城市特征时,它既不符合芝加哥学派的惯例,也不符合新城市社会学的观点,也不符合马克思主义的结构分析,后者将带来城市研究的理论更新。因此,这本书不仅分析了丰田汽车公司等全球性公司对当地社区的影响,而且对未来城市研究的理论建构也做出了重大贡献。这一点也关系到本研究的第二个含义——阶级理论的贡献。这本书的分析重点是丰田市的居民,与以前的丰田研究有很大的不同,表明它有可能发展成为一门劳动和阶级理论社会学。它不是以马克思的劳动价值论为基础的理论,而是利用韦伯的群体形成和封闭逻辑以及社会资本理论对阶级进行的复兴。丰田的全球生产系统,以1980年代后期丰田网络系统和TNGA战略的引入为代表,在很大程度上影响了这些发展。通过准确地定位这些全球变化,本书为构建新理论提供了线索。第三个暗示是,丰田的全球生产组织以及日本人口和社会变化的影响正在削弱地方联系,减少对地方社区的参与。这些趋势将显著改变丰田汽车公司所在地丰田市的社区特征。 这是审视先进产业城市未来不可忽视的一个视角。然而,它也提出了替代网络的可能性,例如第1部分讨论的扩展到农业活动的可能性,第2部分分析的新城社区建设活动,以及第3部分中日裔巴西人和日本人之间的网络。在这里,我可以读到更多这本书的中心主题:丰田市的波动,它保持了“中产阶级社会”的区域结构,高度的聚落,活跃的社区建设活动,以及未来新发展的可能性。从上面讨论的结果可以清楚地看出,这些发现不仅可以用于日本社区的研究,也可以用于各种全球研究的背景下。虽然这本书本质上是翻译的,针对的是日本学术界,但其内容是开放的,可以与其他学科进行对话,包括城市、国际劳工和移民研究。在这里,我强调了未来研究应该考虑的两点。首先是城市比较研究的发展。本书的编者等人不仅在丰田市,而且在爱知县刈谷市、三重县四日市等地对居民进行了大规模调查,并发表了比较城市研究的结果。为了使本书对城市研究的启示更有意义,重要的是将其发展为一项国际比较研究。通过这样的国际比较城市研究,将更清晰地展现出丰田城的独特特征和本书独特的理论视角。其次,我强调了研究全球移民劳动力的节点潜力。这本书关注的是丰田市当地社区居民的生活。然而,这些发现不仅可以在第3部分中描述的日裔巴西工人的背景下阅读,还可以在日本先进工业区的劳动力市场和社区生活中阅读。与第一点一样,众多的发现和独特的理论框架应该通过将它们与国际劳动力市场和移民的比较研究联系起来进行检验。正如反复讨论的那样,迄今为止对丰田的研究被分为两类:基于企业剥削工人的研究,如Kamata(1983)所代表的,以及基于TPS的优越特征的研究。这本书的不同之处在于,它开辟了一个独特的研究领域,无论是在理论上还是在经验上。这些结果也应成为国际比较研究平台的一部分。
Toyota City in transition: A motor town facing globalization and social changes. By Nibe Nobuhiko, Mari Nakamura, Hiroshi Yamaguchi (Eds.), Singapore: Springer. 2022. pp. 240. US$ 139.99 (hardback). ISBN: 978-981-16-9831-6
“Toyota” is an iconic figure in Japanese studies that has attracted worldwide attention from various academic perspectives. Toyota Motor Corporation has been of central interest in the fields of economics, management, and labor, not only in Japan but also in the study of Japan abroad. These studies have focused on management perspectives on “Toyotism,” such as Toyota Production System (TPS) and Toyota New Global Architecture (TNGA), as well as sociological studies on labor-management relations.
Unlike these, this book focuses on the community issues in Toyota City as an advanced industrial city. Why does this book focus on Toyota City? This is because of its economic importance and unique urban form brought about by being the center of the global automobile industry. However, the significance of this study lies not only in these characteristics of Toyota City but also in its theoretical perspective and the richness of its sociological analysis, both in terms of quantity and quality. An important sociological contribution of this study is its analysis based on two large-scale surveys of Toyota City residents conducted in 2009 and 2015, as well as an extensive field survey by the research group. To confirm this, I provide an overview of the contents of this book, which is divided into three parts.
Part 1 discusses a survey of the entire Toyota City area. In Chapter 1, the authors present their theoretical framework, which incorporates network theory into the Weberian group theory of closure and exclusion, which is effective in capturing the relationship between Toyota Motor Corporation and local communities in the “maturity stage,” as opposed to the Marxian framework, which is based on the concepts of “exploitation” and “domination.” In addition, this theoretical framework differs from the “network analysis” and “social capital theory” that have become mainstream in recent years. Based on this theoretical foundation, to clearly grasp the spatial positioning of Toyota City, the authors classify the city along two analytical axes, the degree of industrial development and that of urbanization within the region, and identify the characteristics of a relatively rich neighborhood relationship between work and residential areas and a low dynamic density. The 2009 survey of residents based on this perspective revealed that residents of Toyota City, who had been considered disengaged from the local community from the Marxian perspective of “exploitation,” were found to be active participants in community-building activities. In Part 1, the persistence and transformation process of Toyota City's characteristics is revealed by comparing the results of this 2009 survey with those of the 2015 survey.
Based on this theoretical framework, demographic and sociological indicators in Chapter 2 reveal a trend of declining community-building activities in Toyota City, particularly a significant decline in women's participation. Chapter 3 documents that factors such as the informalization and mobility of employment, widening inequality, increasing inmarriage, and declining fertility rates have weakened regional ties and reduced participation in community-building activities. A case analysis of retirees from Toyota and other companies who have become involved in agriculture and self-help group activities is presented in Chapter 4. The findings suggest the possibility of creating new industrial-agricultural and agricultural-social networks. In this way, the unique characteristics of Toyota City as an advanced industry are revealed, and the significance of the authors' focus on the regional level is evident.
Part 2 focuses on the community level and analyzes community-building activities in the new town built in the territory of Toyota City. Chapter 5 describes how the proximity of work and residential areas in Higashiyama District, a new town in Toyota City, maintains stable social ties in the community and provides support for residents in their retirement years. This is unusual in a modern city where social ties tend to weaken. Chapter 6 further explores the current situation and the factors behind it. This chapter identifies participation mechanisms in community-building activities, especially among second-generation residents and across gender lines. The role of events and festivals organized by local community organizations contributes to the revitalization of such community-building activities (Chapter 7). This monograph clearly captures the characteristics of the local community in Toyota City and is considered an indication of the significance of this study.
Part 3 analyzes a survey on immigrant workers from abroad and the local community in Toyota City, where Toyota Motor Corporation and other manufacturing industries are concentrated. At this point, I briefly explain the background of immigrants and local communities in Japan and the “invisible residents” that this book attempts to theoretically challenge. With the labor shortage under the bubble economy of the late 1980s, the Immigration Control and Refugee-Recognition Law was amended in 1990, which allowed the immigration of foreign nationals of Japanese descent. Many of their residences were located in the suburbs of large cities where automobile-related factories were concentrated, and their livelihoods were threatened by their increasing economic deprivation. Kajita et al.'s (2005) “invisible residents” theory provides an authoritative perspective on these problems. Accordingly, structural problems in Japanese society, which include an employment system that requires migrant workers, problems related to the structure of the industry, and a lack of immigrant policy at the national level, are imposed on regions where high concentrations of immigrants reside. It portrayed a mechanism that, although the concentration of Japanese Brazilians in such regions continues, they form “divided communities” short on human resources and social capital. This increases the number of “invisible residents” who are not perceived by local society owing to their lack of social life, and local society pays for external diseconomies that the market creates (Kajita et al., 2005).
What insights does this book offer regarding the issues surrounding the concentration of immigrants and their relationships in local communities? The labor and community issues surrounding these Japanese immigrants, particularly Japanese Brazilians, are analyzed through a case study of the Homi housing complex in Toyota City, which has the largest concentration of Japanese Brazilians in Japan. Based on a historical analysis of various activities in the Homi housing complex, Chapter 8 provides an overview of the immigration process of Japanese Brazilians to Japan and the problems of living in Japanese society. Chapter 9 discusses the results of a questionnaire survey administered to both Japanese and Brazilian residents. Contrary to the theory of “invisible residents,” the survey reveals that networks were formed among both compatriots and Japanese and that these networks were the medium through which some groups found employment as regular employees. Chapter 10 provides a more detailed analysis of the survey and interview data. Here, the authors emphasize that social participation in response to collective needs is possible, especially among the settled population. While this finding is important in considering issues of foreign settlement and social stratification in Japan, the authors also highlight that while such hierarchical mobility is observed, Japanese Brazilians remain in a “semi-peripheral” working condition. Despite these circumstances, Japanese Brazilians have developed a certain degree of neighborhood relations and community participation, and the function of festivals in the Homi complex is presented as an important element of this movement (Chapter 11). Together with the results of the survey of festivals in New Town in Chapter 7, this adds depth to the analysis.
Chapter 12 presents the results of qualitative and quantitative Toyota City surveys and analyses. The results have three major implications.
The first implication is that Toyota City's characteristics as a low-density, high-income suburban industrial city are unique among cities worldwide. In capturing this urban character, it does not fit either the conventions of the Chicago School, the ideas of the new urban sociology, or the Marxian structural analysis that would bring about a theoretical renewal of urban studies. Thus, this book is not only an analysis of the impact of a global corporation such as Toyota Motor Corporation on local communities but is also a significant contribution to the theoretical construction of future urban studies. This point also concerns the contribution of the second implication of this study, the Class Theory. The analysis in this book, which focuses on residents of Toyota City and differs significantly from previous Toyota studies, suggests its potential for development into a sociology of labor and Class Theory. It is not a theory based on the Marxian theory of the value of labor but a revitalization of class utilizing the Weberian logic of group formation and closure and social capital theory. Toyota's global production system, represented by the introduction of the Toyota Network System and TNGA strategy in the late 1980s, has largely influenced these developments. By accurately situating these global changes, this book presents clues for the construction of a new theory.
The third implication is that the impact of Toyota's global production organization and demographic and sociological changes in Japan are weakening local ties and decreasing participation in local communities. These trends will significantly change the character of the community of Toyota City, the home of Toyota Motor Corporation. This is a perspective that cannot be overlooked when examining the future of advanced industrial cities. However, it also suggests the possibility of alternative networks, such as the possible expansion into agricultural activities discussed in Part 1, the community-building activities in New Town analyzed in Part 2, and the network between Japanese Brazilians and Japanese in Part 3. Here, I can read more into the central theme of this book: the fluctuation of Toyota City, which has maintained a “middle-class society” regional structure, a high degree of settlement, active community-building activities, and the possibility of new developments in the future.
As is clear from the results discussed above, these findings can be developed not only for the study of Japanese communities but also in the context of various global studies. Although the book is essentially a translation and directed at the Japanese academic community, the content is open to dialogue with other academic disciplines, including urban, international labor, and migration studies. Here, I highlight two points that should be considered for future research.
The first is the development of a comparative urban study. The editors of this book and others have conducted large-scale surveys of residents not only in Toyota City but also in Kariya City, Aichi Prefecture, and Yokkaichi City, Mie Prefecture, and have published the results of their comparative urban research. To make the implications of this book for urban research even more meaningful, it is important to develop it into an international comparative study. Through such international comparative urban studies, the unique characteristics of Toyota City and the unique theoretical perspective of this book will be demonstrated more clearly.
Second, I highlight the nodal potential for the study of global migrant labor. This book focuses on the lives of the local community residents of Toyota City. However, the findings can be read not only in the context of the Japanese–Brazilian workers described in Part 3 but also in the labor market and community life in an advanced industrial area in Japan. As with the first point, the numerous findings and unique theoretical framework should be tested by connecting them to comparative studies on international labor markets and migration.
As repeatedly discussed, Toyota research to date has been divided into two categories: research based on the exploitation of workers by corporations, as symbolized by Kamata (1983), and on the superior characteristics of the TPS. This book differs in that it opens up a unique field of research, both theoretically and empirically. These results should also form part of an international comparative research platform.