“巴黎委员会”阴谋:亚历山大一世统治后期俄罗斯的阴谋论与帝国精英

IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY
Y. S. Abdullaev
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引用次数: 0

摘要

尽管最近对俄罗斯和后苏联国家阴谋论研究的兴趣激增,但学者们仍然在很大程度上忽视了19世纪早期的时期,这一时期对于理解俄罗斯阴谋论传统至关重要。本文旨在通过对亚历山大一世统治后期的阴谋论及其生产和传播的动态进行新的解释来弥合现有的差距。它呼应了正在进行的史学辩论,认为19世纪20年代是阴谋论话语干预俄罗斯政治文化和公众舆论的起点。几个关键因素决定了这个时期全球阴谋论神话的实现:对西方阴谋论者作品的接受,宫廷中日益增长的神秘主义情绪,以及南欧的革命危机。本文运用最新阴谋研究的“生成”模型和政治神话理论,认为功能是亚历山大时期俄罗斯阴谋神话的核心要素。统治阶层的各个阶层的公务员、外交官和神职人员利用阴谋叙事来满足他们的要求。通过神话的阐释,他们帮助自己理解了政治事件的因果关系,解决了各种事业问题,宣誓效忠君主,认同权力霸权,并在精英内部竞争中挣扎。为了证实概述的论文,广泛的档案和出版材料有关的具体案例的阴谋修辞的实施进行部署和分析。总的来说,本文的发现可能有助于打开未被探索的视角,为受过教育的阶层重新审视阴谋论的工具相关性,提出一种改进的方法来研究俄罗斯阴谋文化及其与帝国阴谋文化的现代形式的连续性。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
THE “PARIS COMMITTEE” PLOT: CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND IMPERIAL ELITES IN RUSSIA IN THE LATER YEARS OF ALEXANDER I’S REIGN
Despite the recent surge of interest in studies of conspiracy theories in Russia and post-Soviet countries, scholars still largely neglect the early nineteenth-century period, which is nonetheless crucial for the understanding of the Russian conspiratorial tradition. This paper aims to bridge the existing gap by offering a new interpretation of the conspiracism and dynamics of its production and dissemination in the later years of Alexander I’s reign. Echoing ongoing historiographical debates, it identifies the 1820s as a starting point for the intervention of the conspiratorial discourse into Russian political culture and public opinion. Several crucial factors predetermined the actualization of the myth of global conspiracy at this time: the reception of Western conspiracy theorists’ works, growing mystical sentiments in the court, and the revolutionary crisis in Southern Europe. By applying the “generative” model from the latest conspiracy studies and the theory of political myth, the essay argues that functionality was a core element of the conspiracy mythology in Alexandrine Russia. Civil servants, diplomats, and clergymen at multiple levels of the ruling hierarchy utilized conspiracy narratives to satisfy their demands. Through the myth’s articulation, they helped themselves to comprehend the causality of political events, solve various career problems, pledge loyalty to the monarchy, identify with power hegemony, and struggle in an intra-elite competition. To substantiate the outlined theses, a wide array of archival and published materials related to specific cases of conspiracy rhetoric’s implementation was deployed and analyzed. Overall, the findings presented here might help to open unexplored perspectives for the reexamination of the instrumental relevance of conspiracy theories for the educated classes, to come up with a modified approach for studying Russian conspiratorial culture and the continuity of its modern form with the imperial one.
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