伊朗、沙特阿拉伯和“穆斯林”的权力斗争:具体化、证券化和身份认同

IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES
Jérémy Dieudonné
{"title":"伊朗、沙特阿拉伯和“穆斯林”的权力斗争:具体化、证券化和身份认同","authors":"Jérémy Dieudonné","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of ‘Muslimness’ in both countries’ discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and ‘Muslim’ dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the ‘Muslim’ category with a ‘Sunni’ one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and ‘arrogant powers.’ The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of ‘Muslimness,’ both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive ‘identity’ defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive ‘identity’ based on ‘Muslimness,’ which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression.Key Words: IdentificationIranMuslimnessSaudi ArabiaSecuritization Disclosure StatementThe authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Elena Aoun, Thierry Balzacq and Christophe Wasinski for their comments and suggestions on previous versions of this article.Notes1 See Paul Vallely (Citation2014) The Vicious Schism between Sunni and Shia Has Been Poisoning Islam for 1,400 years - and it's Getting Worse, The Independent (February 19). Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/the-vicious-schism-between-sunni-and-shia-has-been-poisoning-islam-for-1-400-years-and-it-s-getting-worse-9139525.html, accessed April 29, 2022; Adam Taylor (Citation2016) 5 facts about Sunnis and Shiites that Help Make Sense of the Saudi-Iran Crisis, The Washington Post (January 5). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/05/5-facts-about-sunnis-and-shiites-that-help-makes-sense-of-the-saudi-iran-crisis/, accessed April 29, 2022.2 See Vali Nasr (Citation2007) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton); Nathan Gonzalez (Citation2009) The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East (Mission Viejo: Nortia Press); Helle Malmvig (Citation2014) Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East: Regional Order after the Arab Uprisings, Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), pp. 145–148.3 Asad A. Ahmed (Citation2010) The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference, in Navida Khan (ed) Beyond Crisis: Re-evaluating Pakistan (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 273–314; Mohamed Sulaiman (Citation2020) Muslimness as a Political Formation: An Inquiry into Muslim Presence, Social Identities, 26(1), pp. 31–7.4 Ibid.5 Ibid.6 Shahram Chubin & Charles Tripp (Citation2004) Iran–Saudi Arabia Relations and Regional Order (Abingdon: Routledge); Simon Mabon (Citation2015) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Power and Rivalry in the Middle East (London: I.B. Tauris); Fatiha Dazi-Héni (Citation2016) L’Arabie saoudite dans le contexte du retour en grâce de l’Iran [Saudi Arabia in the context of Iran’s return to favor], Confluences Méditérranée, 97(2), pp. 53–62; Banafsheh Keynoush (Citation2016) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Friends or Foes? (Basingstoke, New York: Palgrave MacMillan); Afshon Ostovar (Citation2017) Sectarianism and Iranian Foreign Policy, in Frederic Wehrey (ed) Beyond Sunni and Shia: The Roots of Sectarianism in a Changing Middle East, pp. 87–111 (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Hassan Ahmadian (Citation2018) Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Age of Trump, Survival, 60(2), pp. 133–150; Dilip Hiro (Citation2018) Cold War in the Islamic World: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Struggle for Supremacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Simon Mabon (Citation2018b) Muting the Trumpets of Sabotage: Saudi Arabia, the US and the Quest to Securitize Iran, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 45(5), pp. 742–759; Vrushal T. Ghoble (Citation2019) Saudi Arabia–Iran Contention and the Role of Foreign Actors, Strategic Analysis, 43(1): pp. 42–53; Simon Mabon (Citation2019) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Islam and Foreign Policy in the Middle East, in: Shahram Akbarzadeh (ed) Routledge Handbook of International Relations in the Middle East, pp. 138–152 (Abingdon: Routledge); Fahrad Rezaei (Citation2019) Iran’s Foreign Policy After the Nuclear Agreement: Politics of Normalizers and Traditionalists (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan); Mohammad Soltaninejad (Citation2019) Iran and Saudi Arabia: Emotionally Constructed Identities and the Question of Persistent Tensions, Asian Politics and Policy, 11(1), pp. 104–121; Ibrahim Fraihat (Citation2020) Iran and Saudi Arabia: Taming a Chaotic Conflict (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press).7 Fraihat, “Iran and Saudi Arabia”.8 Dazi-Héni, “L’Arabie saoudite dans le contexte du retour en grâce de l’Iran”.9 Ghoble, “Saudi Arabia-Iran Contention”.10 Keynoush, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”; Ahmadian, “Iran and Saudi Arabia”.11 Mabon, “Muting the trumpets of sabotage”.12 See, among others, Mabon, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”, p. 139.13 Éva Ádám (Citation2021) Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf: Iran in the Public Discourse in Saudi Arabia, in: Mahjoob Zweiri, Md Mizanur Rahman & Arwa Kamal (eds) The 2017 Gulf Crisis: An Interdisciplinary Approach, p. 145 (Singapore: Springer).14 See Frederic Wehrey (Citation2013) Sectarian politics in the Gulf: From the Iraq war to the Arab uprisings (New York: Columbia University Press); Geneive Abdo (Citation2017) The New Sectarianism: The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shi’a-Sunni divide (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel (Citation2017) Introduction: The Sectarianization Thesis, in: Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel (eds) Sectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East, pp. 1–22 (London: Hurst Publishers); Fanar Haddad (Citation2020) Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World (London: Hurst Publishers).15 See Morten Valbjørn (Citation2021) Observing (the debate on) Sectarianism: On Conceptualizing, Grasping and Explaining Sectarian Politics in a New Middle East, Mediterranean Politics, 26(5), pp. 612–634.16 Rogers Brubaker (Citation2002) Ethnicity Without Groups, European Journal of Sociology, 43(2), pp. 163–189.17 See Malmvig, “Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East”; Mabon, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”; Ric Neo (Citation2020a) Religious Securitisation and Institutionalized Sectarianism in Saudi Arabia, Critical Studies on Security, 8(3), pp. 203–222.18 David Campbell (Citation1993) Politics Without Principle: Sovereignty, Ethics, and the Narratives of the Gulf War (Boulder: Lynne Reinner), p. 8.19 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2011) Constructivism and Securitization Studies, in Myriam Dunn Cavelty & Victor Mauer (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Security Studies, pp. 56–72 (Abingdon: Routledge); Thierry Balzacq (Citation2016) Le constructivisme [Constructivism], in: Thierry Balzacq (ed) Théories de la sécurité. Les approches critiques [Security Theories: Critical Approaches], pp. 165–249 (Paris: Les presses de SciencesPo).20 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”.21 Rogers Brubaker & Frederick Cooper (Citation2000) Beyond ‘Identity’, Theory and Society, 29(1), pp. 1–47.22 See Malmvig, “Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East”; Neo, “Religious Securitisation”; Raffaella A. Del Sarto (Citation2021) Sectarian Securitization in the Middle East and the Case of Israel, International Affairs, 97(3), pp. 759–778.23 For an exception, see Simon Mabon (Citation2018a) Existential Threats and Regulating Life: Securitization in the Contemporary Middle East, Global Discourse, 8(1), pp. 42–58.24 Jennifer Milliken (Citation1999) The Study of Discourse in International Relations: A Critique of Research and Methods, European Journal of International Relations, 5(2), 225–254.25 Raihan Ismail (Citation2016) Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press).26 Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup & Pierre Lemaitre (Citation1993) Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe (London: Palgrave McMillan); Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde (1998). Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers).27 Ole Waever (Citation1995) Securitization and Desecuritization, in: Ronnie D. Lipschutz (ed) On Security, p. 55 (New York: Columbia University Press).28 Holger Stritzel (Citation2007) Towards a Theory of Securitization: Copenhagen and Beyond, European Journal of International Relations, 13(3), pp. 357–383; Holger Stritzel (Citation2011) Security, the Translation, Security Dialogue, 42(4–5), pp. 343–355.29 Felix Ciuta (Citation2009) Security and the Problem of Context: A Hermeneutical Critique of Securitisation Theory, Review of International Studies, 35(2), pp. 301–326.30 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”; Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.31 Strizel, “Security, the translation”.32 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.33 Ibid, p. 199. Every quote originally in French has been translated by the author.34 Stritzel, “Towards a Theory of Securitization”, p. 367.35 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”; Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.36 Ibid.37 Ibid.38 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”, p. 195.39 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”, p. 3.40 Mabon, “Existential threats and regulating life”.41 Martin Holbraad & Morten Axel Pedersen (Citation2012) Revolutionary Securitization: An Anthropological Extension of Securitization Theory, International Theory, 4(2), pp. 165–197; Maja Touzari Greenwood & Ole Waever (Citation2013) Copenhagen-Cairo on a Roundtrip: A Security Theory Meets the Revolution, Security Dialogue, 44(5–6), pp. 485–506.42 See Laura A. Bray, Thomas E. Shriver & Alison E. Adams (Citation2019) Framing Authoritarian Legitimacy: Elite Cohesion in the Aftermath of Popular Rebellion, Social Movement Studies, 18(6), pp. 682–701; Andrew J. Nathan (Citation2020) The Puzzle of Authoritarian Legitimacy, Journal of Democracy, 31(1), pp. 158–168.43 Saloni Kapur (Citation2018) From Copenhagen to Uri and across the Line of Control: India’s ‘Surgical Strikes’ as a Case of Securitisation in Two Acts, Global Discourse, 8(1), pp. 62–79.44 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”; Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”.45 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 169.46 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, p. 14.47 Ulrik Pram Gad (Citation2017) What Kind of Nation State will Greenland be? Securitization Theory as a Strategy for Analyzing Identity Politics, Politik, 20(3), p. 108.48 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, pp. 4–5.49 Ric Neo (Citation2020b) Securitization of the President: Trump as a National Security Threat, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, p. 10, doi: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1816900.50 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2010) Securitization Theory: How Security Problems Emerge and Dissolve, p. 3 (Abingdon: Routledge).51 Rogers Brubaker (Citation1996) Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe, p. 21 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).52 Barry Buzan & Ole Waever (Citation2009) Macrosecuritisation and Security Constellations: Reconsidering Scale in Securitisation Theory, Review of International Studies, 35(2), p. 257.53 Neo, “Securitization of the President”, p. 3.54 Jack Holland (Citation2013) Selling the War on Terror: Foreign Policy Discourses After 9/11, pp. 11–12 (Abingdon: Routledge).55 Charlotte Peytour (Citation2018) Quelles sont les sanctions contre l’Iran encore en vigueur? [What Sanctions against Iran Are Still in Effect?], Le Monde (May 8). Available at: https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/05/08/quelles-sanctions-contre-l-iran-sont-elles-encore-en-vigueur_5296163_3218.html, accessed April 8, 2020.56 Thomas Erdbrink & Joby Warrick (Citation2011) Bahrain Crackdown Fueling Tensions between Iran, Saudi Arabia. The Washington Post (April 22). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/bahrain-crackdown-fueling-tensions-between-iran-saudi-arabia/2011/04/21/AFVe6WPE_story.html, accessed April 8, 2020.57 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 39.58 Milliken, “The Study of Discourse”.59 Ibid, p. 229.60 Ibid.61 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”.62 Ádám, “Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf”.63 Toby Matthiesen (Citation2015) The Other Saudis: Shiism, Dissent and Sectarianism, p. 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).64 Neo, “Religious securitisation”, p. 209.65 Ádám, “Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf”, p. 152.66 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 13.67 Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2018) State-Sponsored Fatwas in Saudi Arabia. Carnegie. Available at: https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/75971, accessed April 10, 2020.68 Ibid; Jamal Khashoggi (Citation2017) Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Wants to ‘Crush Extremists’. But He’s Punishing the Wrong People, The Washington Post (October 31). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2017/10/31/saudi-arabias-crown-prince-wants-to-crush-extremists-but-hes-punishing-the-wrong-people/, accessed April 10, 2020.69 Karim Sadjadpour (Citation2009) Reading Khamenei: The World View of Iran’s Most Powerful Leader (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace).70 Mabon, “Existential threats and regulating life”, p. 4.71 Shahram Akbarzadeh & James Barry (Citation2018) Negotiating Popular Mandate and the Sovereignty of God in Iran, in: John L. Esposito, Lily Zubaidah Rahim & Naser Ghobadzadeh (eds) The Politics of Islamism: Diverging Visions and Trajectories, p. 160 (Cham: Springer).72 Ibid, p. 162.73 Ali Khamenei (Citation2011b) Ayatullah Khamenei's Address to Arab Nations in Arabic (English Sub). YouTube. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yTLlGiqXuKY, accessed March 31, 2020.74 Ali Khamenei in Erin Cunningham (Citation2020) In rare Friday sermon, Iran’s Khamenei says U.S. suffered blow to ‘superpower image’. The Washington Post (January 17). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/in-rare-friday-sermon-irans-khamenei-says-us-suffered-blow-to-superpower-image/2020/01/17/76ec4bf0-389b-11ea-a1ff-c48c1d59a4a1_story.html, accessed April 1, 2020.75 Khamenei: https://twitter.com/khamenei_ir?lang=frRouhani: https://twitter.com/HassanRouhaniZarif: https://twitter.com/JZarif76 https://twitter.com/ar_khamenei77 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”, p. 200.78 Ibid.79 Juha A. Vuori (Citation2008) Illocutionary Logic and Strands of Securitization: Applying the Theory of Securitization to the Study of Non-Democratic Political Orders. European Journal of International Relations, 14(1), p. 72.80 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 9.81 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”, pp. 55; 59.82 Ibid, p. 61.83 Ibid, p. 144.84 Ibid, p. 162.85 Although analyzing this potential Persian factor would be of the greatest interest and the author entices students to undertake such a study, it would go out of the scope and limits of this article.86 In Human Rights Watch (Citation2017) They Are Not Our Brothers. Human Rights Watch, p. 33. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/saudi0917_web.pdf, accessed April 8, 2020.87 In Oren Adaki & David Andrew Weinberg (Citation2015) Preaching Hate and Sectarianism in the Gulf. Foreign Policy (May 5). Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/05/05/preaching-hate-and-sectarianism-in-the-gulf-saudi-arabia-qatar-uae-saad-bin-ateeq-al-ateeq/, accessed April 10, 2020.88 Ola Salem & Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2019) Mohammed bin Salman’s Fake Anti-Extremists Campaign. Foreign Policy (June 13). Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/13/mohammed-bin-salmans-fake-anti-extremist-campaign/, accessed April 11, 2020.89 In Alaoudh, “State-Sponsored Fatwas in Saudi Arabia”.90 In Khashoggi, “Saudi Arabia’s crown prince”.91 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, p. 33.92 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”, p. 148.93 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, pp. 50–61.94 Shia Rights Watch (Citation2017) Bi-Annual Anti-Shiism Report. Shia Rights Watch. Available at: https://shiarightswatch.org/bi-annual-anti-shiism-report/, accessed April 10, 2020.95 International Crisis Group (Citation2005) The Shiite Question in Saudi Arabia. International Crisis Group, p. 10. Available at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/45-the-shiite-question-in-saudi-arabia.pdf, accessed April 8, 2020.96 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, p. 29.97 Ibid, p. 31.98 Ibid, p. 51.99 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 172.100 Mohammad Javad Zarif (Citation2016) Let Us Rid the World of Wahhabism. The New-York Times (September 13). Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/14/opinion/mohammad-javad-zarif-let-us-rid-the-world-of-wahhabism.html, accessed December 11, 2017.101 Ali Khamenei (Citation2017a) Officials of the Country Should Be Outspoken When Expressing Islamic Principles: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4884/Officials-of-the-Country-Should-Be-Outspoken-When-Expressing, accessed March 31, 2020.102 Ali Khamenei (Citation2016a) Terrorism is not only ISIS, Saudi crimes are the worst type of terrorism. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4263/Terrorism-is-not-only-ISIS-Saudi-crimes-are-the-worst-type-of, accessed February 5, 2018.103 Ali Khamenei (Citation2016b) No Shia is allowed to insult Sunnis: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4164/No-Shia-is-allowed-to-insult-Sunnis-Ayatollah-Khamenei, accessed February 7, 2018.104 Hassan Rohani in Clément Daniez (Citation2016) Iran: Rohani appelle les musulmans à ‘punir’ l’Arabie saoudite [Iran: Rohani calls on Muslims to ‘punish’ Saudi Arabia]. L’Express (September 7). Available at: https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/proche-moyen-orient/iran-rohani-appelle-les-musulmans-a-punir-l-arabie-saoudite_1828042.html, accessed February 6, 2018.105 Vincent Eiffling in Pierre Alonso (Citation2018) En Iran, la peur d’un nouveau Saddam Hussein [In Iran, the fear of a new Saddam Hussein]. Libération (January 14). Available at: http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/01/14/en-iran-la-peur-d-un-nouveau-saddam-hussein_1622412, accessed January 17, 2018.106 Ali Khamenei (Citation2011a) Leader’s View of Islamic Awakening. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/1416/Leader-s-View-of-Islamic-Awakening, accessed April 8, 2020.107 Brubaker and Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, p. 20.108 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 166.109 Ali Khamenei (Citation2004) Leader Cites Basic Principles of Iran’s Foreign Policy. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/633/Leader-Cites-Basic-Principles-of-Iran-s-Foreign-Policy, accessed April 20, 2018.110 Ali Khamenei (Citation2017b) Everyone should openly support people of Yemen, Bahrain and Kashmir: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4943/Everyone-should-openly-support-people-of-Yemen-Bahrain-and-Kashmir, accessed April 18, 2018.111 Hassan Rohani (Citation2017) REPLAY – Watch Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s address to the U.N. YouTube. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xl9fKb7MoxQ, accessed April 20, 2018.112 Islamic Awakening Conference (Citation2019) The 12th Meeting of the High Council of the Islamic Awakening Assembly. Available at: http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159, accessed April 10, 2020.113 Islamic Awakening Conference (Citation2019) The 12th Meeting of the High Council of the Islamic Awakening Assembly. Available at: http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159, accessed April 10, 2020.114 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 172.115 Ali Khamenei (Citation2019) The ‘Second Phase of the Revolution’ Statement addressed to the Iranian nation. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/6415/The-Second-Phase-of-the-Revolution-Statement-addressed-to-the, accessed April 9, 2020.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Power Struggle over ‘Muslimness’: Reification, Securitization, and Identification\",\"authors\":\"Jérémy Dieudonné\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"AbstractThis paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of ‘Muslimness’ in both countries’ discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and ‘Muslim’ dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the ‘Muslim’ category with a ‘Sunni’ one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and ‘arrogant powers.’ The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of ‘Muslimness,’ both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive ‘identity’ defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive ‘identity’ based on ‘Muslimness,’ which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression.Key Words: IdentificationIranMuslimnessSaudi ArabiaSecuritization Disclosure StatementThe authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Elena Aoun, Thierry Balzacq and Christophe Wasinski for their comments and suggestions on previous versions of this article.Notes1 See Paul Vallely (Citation2014) The Vicious Schism between Sunni and Shia Has Been Poisoning Islam for 1,400 years - and it's Getting Worse, The Independent (February 19). Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/the-vicious-schism-between-sunni-and-shia-has-been-poisoning-islam-for-1-400-years-and-it-s-getting-worse-9139525.html, accessed April 29, 2022; Adam Taylor (Citation2016) 5 facts about Sunnis and Shiites that Help Make Sense of the Saudi-Iran Crisis, The Washington Post (January 5). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/05/5-facts-about-sunnis-and-shiites-that-help-makes-sense-of-the-saudi-iran-crisis/, accessed April 29, 2022.2 See Vali Nasr (Citation2007) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton); Nathan Gonzalez (Citation2009) The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East (Mission Viejo: Nortia Press); Helle Malmvig (Citation2014) Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East: Regional Order after the Arab Uprisings, Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), pp. 145–148.3 Asad A. Ahmed (Citation2010) The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference, in Navida Khan (ed) Beyond Crisis: Re-evaluating Pakistan (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 273–314; Mohamed Sulaiman (Citation2020) Muslimness as a Political Formation: An Inquiry into Muslim Presence, Social Identities, 26(1), pp. 31–7.4 Ibid.5 Ibid.6 Shahram Chubin & Charles Tripp (Citation2004) Iran–Saudi Arabia Relations and Regional Order (Abingdon: Routledge); Simon Mabon (Citation2015) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Power and Rivalry in the Middle East (London: I.B. Tauris); Fatiha Dazi-Héni (Citation2016) L’Arabie saoudite dans le contexte du retour en grâce de l’Iran [Saudi Arabia in the context of Iran’s return to favor], Confluences Méditérranée, 97(2), pp. 53–62; Banafsheh Keynoush (Citation2016) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Friends or Foes? (Basingstoke, New York: Palgrave MacMillan); Afshon Ostovar (Citation2017) Sectarianism and Iranian Foreign Policy, in Frederic Wehrey (ed) Beyond Sunni and Shia: The Roots of Sectarianism in a Changing Middle East, pp. 87–111 (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Hassan Ahmadian (Citation2018) Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Age of Trump, Survival, 60(2), pp. 133–150; Dilip Hiro (Citation2018) Cold War in the Islamic World: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Struggle for Supremacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Simon Mabon (Citation2018b) Muting the Trumpets of Sabotage: Saudi Arabia, the US and the Quest to Securitize Iran, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 45(5), pp. 742–759; Vrushal T. Ghoble (Citation2019) Saudi Arabia–Iran Contention and the Role of Foreign Actors, Strategic Analysis, 43(1): pp. 42–53; Simon Mabon (Citation2019) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Islam and Foreign Policy in the Middle East, in: Shahram Akbarzadeh (ed) Routledge Handbook of International Relations in the Middle East, pp. 138–152 (Abingdon: Routledge); Fahrad Rezaei (Citation2019) Iran’s Foreign Policy After the Nuclear Agreement: Politics of Normalizers and Traditionalists (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan); Mohammad Soltaninejad (Citation2019) Iran and Saudi Arabia: Emotionally Constructed Identities and the Question of Persistent Tensions, Asian Politics and Policy, 11(1), pp. 104–121; Ibrahim Fraihat (Citation2020) Iran and Saudi Arabia: Taming a Chaotic Conflict (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press).7 Fraihat, “Iran and Saudi Arabia”.8 Dazi-Héni, “L’Arabie saoudite dans le contexte du retour en grâce de l’Iran”.9 Ghoble, “Saudi Arabia-Iran Contention”.10 Keynoush, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”; Ahmadian, “Iran and Saudi Arabia”.11 Mabon, “Muting the trumpets of sabotage”.12 See, among others, Mabon, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”, p. 139.13 Éva Ádám (Citation2021) Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf: Iran in the Public Discourse in Saudi Arabia, in: Mahjoob Zweiri, Md Mizanur Rahman & Arwa Kamal (eds) The 2017 Gulf Crisis: An Interdisciplinary Approach, p. 145 (Singapore: Springer).14 See Frederic Wehrey (Citation2013) Sectarian politics in the Gulf: From the Iraq war to the Arab uprisings (New York: Columbia University Press); Geneive Abdo (Citation2017) The New Sectarianism: The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shi’a-Sunni divide (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel (Citation2017) Introduction: The Sectarianization Thesis, in: Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel (eds) Sectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East, pp. 1–22 (London: Hurst Publishers); Fanar Haddad (Citation2020) Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World (London: Hurst Publishers).15 See Morten Valbjørn (Citation2021) Observing (the debate on) Sectarianism: On Conceptualizing, Grasping and Explaining Sectarian Politics in a New Middle East, Mediterranean Politics, 26(5), pp. 612–634.16 Rogers Brubaker (Citation2002) Ethnicity Without Groups, European Journal of Sociology, 43(2), pp. 163–189.17 See Malmvig, “Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East”; Mabon, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”; Ric Neo (Citation2020a) Religious Securitisation and Institutionalized Sectarianism in Saudi Arabia, Critical Studies on Security, 8(3), pp. 203–222.18 David Campbell (Citation1993) Politics Without Principle: Sovereignty, Ethics, and the Narratives of the Gulf War (Boulder: Lynne Reinner), p. 8.19 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2011) Constructivism and Securitization Studies, in Myriam Dunn Cavelty & Victor Mauer (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Security Studies, pp. 56–72 (Abingdon: Routledge); Thierry Balzacq (Citation2016) Le constructivisme [Constructivism], in: Thierry Balzacq (ed) Théories de la sécurité. Les approches critiques [Security Theories: Critical Approaches], pp. 165–249 (Paris: Les presses de SciencesPo).20 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”.21 Rogers Brubaker & Frederick Cooper (Citation2000) Beyond ‘Identity’, Theory and Society, 29(1), pp. 1–47.22 See Malmvig, “Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East”; Neo, “Religious Securitisation”; Raffaella A. Del Sarto (Citation2021) Sectarian Securitization in the Middle East and the Case of Israel, International Affairs, 97(3), pp. 759–778.23 For an exception, see Simon Mabon (Citation2018a) Existential Threats and Regulating Life: Securitization in the Contemporary Middle East, Global Discourse, 8(1), pp. 42–58.24 Jennifer Milliken (Citation1999) The Study of Discourse in International Relations: A Critique of Research and Methods, European Journal of International Relations, 5(2), 225–254.25 Raihan Ismail (Citation2016) Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press).26 Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup & Pierre Lemaitre (Citation1993) Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe (London: Palgrave McMillan); Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde (1998). Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers).27 Ole Waever (Citation1995) Securitization and Desecuritization, in: Ronnie D. Lipschutz (ed) On Security, p. 55 (New York: Columbia University Press).28 Holger Stritzel (Citation2007) Towards a Theory of Securitization: Copenhagen and Beyond, European Journal of International Relations, 13(3), pp. 357–383; Holger Stritzel (Citation2011) Security, the Translation, Security Dialogue, 42(4–5), pp. 343–355.29 Felix Ciuta (Citation2009) Security and the Problem of Context: A Hermeneutical Critique of Securitisation Theory, Review of International Studies, 35(2), pp. 301–326.30 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”; Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.31 Strizel, “Security, the translation”.32 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.33 Ibid, p. 199. Every quote originally in French has been translated by the author.34 Stritzel, “Towards a Theory of Securitization”, p. 367.35 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”; Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.36 Ibid.37 Ibid.38 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”, p. 195.39 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”, p. 3.40 Mabon, “Existential threats and regulating life”.41 Martin Holbraad & Morten Axel Pedersen (Citation2012) Revolutionary Securitization: An Anthropological Extension of Securitization Theory, International Theory, 4(2), pp. 165–197; Maja Touzari Greenwood & Ole Waever (Citation2013) Copenhagen-Cairo on a Roundtrip: A Security Theory Meets the Revolution, Security Dialogue, 44(5–6), pp. 485–506.42 See Laura A. Bray, Thomas E. Shriver & Alison E. Adams (Citation2019) Framing Authoritarian Legitimacy: Elite Cohesion in the Aftermath of Popular Rebellion, Social Movement Studies, 18(6), pp. 682–701; Andrew J. Nathan (Citation2020) The Puzzle of Authoritarian Legitimacy, Journal of Democracy, 31(1), pp. 158–168.43 Saloni Kapur (Citation2018) From Copenhagen to Uri and across the Line of Control: India’s ‘Surgical Strikes’ as a Case of Securitisation in Two Acts, Global Discourse, 8(1), pp. 62–79.44 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”; Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”.45 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 169.46 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, p. 14.47 Ulrik Pram Gad (Citation2017) What Kind of Nation State will Greenland be? Securitization Theory as a Strategy for Analyzing Identity Politics, Politik, 20(3), p. 108.48 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, pp. 4–5.49 Ric Neo (Citation2020b) Securitization of the President: Trump as a National Security Threat, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, p. 10, doi: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1816900.50 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2010) Securitization Theory: How Security Problems Emerge and Dissolve, p. 3 (Abingdon: Routledge).51 Rogers Brubaker (Citation1996) Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe, p. 21 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).52 Barry Buzan & Ole Waever (Citation2009) Macrosecuritisation and Security Constellations: Reconsidering Scale in Securitisation Theory, Review of International Studies, 35(2), p. 257.53 Neo, “Securitization of the President”, p. 3.54 Jack Holland (Citation2013) Selling the War on Terror: Foreign Policy Discourses After 9/11, pp. 11–12 (Abingdon: Routledge).55 Charlotte Peytour (Citation2018) Quelles sont les sanctions contre l’Iran encore en vigueur? [What Sanctions against Iran Are Still in Effect?], Le Monde (May 8). Available at: https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/05/08/quelles-sanctions-contre-l-iran-sont-elles-encore-en-vigueur_5296163_3218.html, accessed April 8, 2020.56 Thomas Erdbrink & Joby Warrick (Citation2011) Bahrain Crackdown Fueling Tensions between Iran, Saudi Arabia. The Washington Post (April 22). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/bahrain-crackdown-fueling-tensions-between-iran-saudi-arabia/2011/04/21/AFVe6WPE_story.html, accessed April 8, 2020.57 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 39.58 Milliken, “The Study of Discourse”.59 Ibid, p. 229.60 Ibid.61 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”.62 Ádám, “Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf”.63 Toby Matthiesen (Citation2015) The Other Saudis: Shiism, Dissent and Sectarianism, p. 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).64 Neo, “Religious securitisation”, p. 209.65 Ádám, “Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf”, p. 152.66 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 13.67 Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2018) State-Sponsored Fatwas in Saudi Arabia. Carnegie. Available at: https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/75971, accessed April 10, 2020.68 Ibid; Jamal Khashoggi (Citation2017) Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Wants to ‘Crush Extremists’. But He’s Punishing the Wrong People, The Washington Post (October 31). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2017/10/31/saudi-arabias-crown-prince-wants-to-crush-extremists-but-hes-punishing-the-wrong-people/, accessed April 10, 2020.69 Karim Sadjadpour (Citation2009) Reading Khamenei: The World View of Iran’s Most Powerful Leader (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace).70 Mabon, “Existential threats and regulating life”, p. 4.71 Shahram Akbarzadeh & James Barry (Citation2018) Negotiating Popular Mandate and the Sovereignty of God in Iran, in: John L. Esposito, Lily Zubaidah Rahim & Naser Ghobadzadeh (eds) The Politics of Islamism: Diverging Visions and Trajectories, p. 160 (Cham: Springer).72 Ibid, p. 162.73 Ali Khamenei (Citation2011b) Ayatullah Khamenei's Address to Arab Nations in Arabic (English Sub). YouTube. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yTLlGiqXuKY, accessed March 31, 2020.74 Ali Khamenei in Erin Cunningham (Citation2020) In rare Friday sermon, Iran’s Khamenei says U.S. suffered blow to ‘superpower image’. The Washington Post (January 17). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/in-rare-friday-sermon-irans-khamenei-says-us-suffered-blow-to-superpower-image/2020/01/17/76ec4bf0-389b-11ea-a1ff-c48c1d59a4a1_story.html, accessed April 1, 2020.75 Khamenei: https://twitter.com/khamenei_ir?lang=frRouhani: https://twitter.com/HassanRouhaniZarif: https://twitter.com/JZarif76 https://twitter.com/ar_khamenei77 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”, p. 200.78 Ibid.79 Juha A. Vuori (Citation2008) Illocutionary Logic and Strands of Securitization: Applying the Theory of Securitization to the Study of Non-Democratic Political Orders. European Journal of International Relations, 14(1), p. 72.80 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 9.81 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”, pp. 55; 59.82 Ibid, p. 61.83 Ibid, p. 144.84 Ibid, p. 162.85 Although analyzing this potential Persian factor would be of the greatest interest and the author entices students to undertake such a study, it would go out of the scope and limits of this article.86 In Human Rights Watch (Citation2017) They Are Not Our Brothers. Human Rights Watch, p. 33. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/saudi0917_web.pdf, accessed April 8, 2020.87 In Oren Adaki & David Andrew Weinberg (Citation2015) Preaching Hate and Sectarianism in the Gulf. Foreign Policy (May 5). Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/05/05/preaching-hate-and-sectarianism-in-the-gulf-saudi-arabia-qatar-uae-saad-bin-ateeq-al-ateeq/, accessed April 10, 2020.88 Ola Salem & Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2019) Mohammed bin Salman’s Fake Anti-Extremists Campaign. Foreign Policy (June 13). Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/13/mohammed-bin-salmans-fake-anti-extremist-campaign/, accessed April 11, 2020.89 In Alaoudh, “State-Sponsored Fatwas in Saudi Arabia”.90 In Khashoggi, “Saudi Arabia’s crown prince”.91 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, p. 33.92 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”, p. 148.93 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, pp. 50–61.94 Shia Rights Watch (Citation2017) Bi-Annual Anti-Shiism Report. Shia Rights Watch. Available at: https://shiarightswatch.org/bi-annual-anti-shiism-report/, accessed April 10, 2020.95 International Crisis Group (Citation2005) The Shiite Question in Saudi Arabia. International Crisis Group, p. 10. Available at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/45-the-shiite-question-in-saudi-arabia.pdf, accessed April 8, 2020.96 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, p. 29.97 Ibid, p. 31.98 Ibid, p. 51.99 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 172.100 Mohammad Javad Zarif (Citation2016) Let Us Rid the World of Wahhabism. The New-York Times (September 13). Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/14/opinion/mohammad-javad-zarif-let-us-rid-the-world-of-wahhabism.html, accessed December 11, 2017.101 Ali Khamenei (Citation2017a) Officials of the Country Should Be Outspoken When Expressing Islamic Principles: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4884/Officials-of-the-Country-Should-Be-Outspoken-When-Expressing, accessed March 31, 2020.102 Ali Khamenei (Citation2016a) Terrorism is not only ISIS, Saudi crimes are the worst type of terrorism. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4263/Terrorism-is-not-only-ISIS-Saudi-crimes-are-the-worst-type-of, accessed February 5, 2018.103 Ali Khamenei (Citation2016b) No Shia is allowed to insult Sunnis: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4164/No-Shia-is-allowed-to-insult-Sunnis-Ayatollah-Khamenei, accessed February 7, 2018.104 Hassan Rohani in Clément Daniez (Citation2016) Iran: Rohani appelle les musulmans à ‘punir’ l’Arabie saoudite [Iran: Rohani calls on Muslims to ‘punish’ Saudi Arabia]. L’Express (September 7). Available at: https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/proche-moyen-orient/iran-rohani-appelle-les-musulmans-a-punir-l-arabie-saoudite_1828042.html, accessed February 6, 2018.105 Vincent Eiffling in Pierre Alonso (Citation2018) En Iran, la peur d’un nouveau Saddam Hussein [In Iran, the fear of a new Saddam Hussein]. Libération (January 14). Available at: http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/01/14/en-iran-la-peur-d-un-nouveau-saddam-hussein_1622412, accessed January 17, 2018.106 Ali Khamenei (Citation2011a) Leader’s View of Islamic Awakening. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/1416/Leader-s-View-of-Islamic-Awakening, accessed April 8, 2020.107 Brubaker and Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, p. 20.108 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 166.109 Ali Khamenei (Citation2004) Leader Cites Basic Principles of Iran’s Foreign Policy. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/633/Leader-Cites-Basic-Principles-of-Iran-s-Foreign-Policy, accessed April 20, 2018.110 Ali Khamenei (Citation2017b) Everyone should openly support people of Yemen, Bahrain and Kashmir: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4943/Everyone-should-openly-support-people-of-Yemen-Bahrain-and-Kashmir, accessed April 18, 2018.111 Hassan Rohani (Citation2017) REPLAY – Watch Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s address to the U.N. YouTube. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xl9fKb7MoxQ, accessed April 20, 2018.112 Islamic Awakening Conference (Citation2019) The 12th Meeting of the High Council of the Islamic Awakening Assembly. Available at: http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159, accessed April 10, 2020.113 Islamic Awakening Conference (Citation2019) The 12th Meeting of the High Council of the Islamic Awakening Assembly. Available at: http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159, accessed April 10, 2020.114 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 172.115 Ali Khamenei (Citation2019) The ‘Second Phase of the Revolution’ Statement addressed to the Iranian nation. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/6415/The-Second-Phase-of-the-Revolution-Statement-addressed-to-the, accessed April 9, 2020.\",\"PeriodicalId\":44822,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Middle East Critique\",\"volume\":\"1 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.8000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-17\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Middle East Critique\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346\",\"RegionNum\":3,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"AREA STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Middle East Critique","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

104 - 121;7 . Ibrahim Fraihat (Citation2020)伊朗和沙特阿拉伯:驯服混乱的冲突(爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社)8 .《伊朗和沙特阿拉伯》9 . dazi - hassimni,“阿拉伯人的生活与伊朗的环境”沙特阿拉伯-伊朗之争,第10页Keynoush,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”;艾哈迈迪,“伊朗和沙特阿拉伯”玛本,《平息破坏的号角》见Mabon,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”,139.13 Éva Ádám (Citation2021)海湾地区的民意和精英威胁感知:沙特阿拉伯公共话语中的伊朗,见:Mahjoob Zweiri, Md Mizanur Rahman和Arwa Kamal(编)2017年海湾危机:跨学科方法,第145页(新加坡:Springer)参见Frederic Wehrey (Citation2013)《海湾地区的宗派政治:从伊拉克战争到阿拉伯起义》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社);Geneive Abdo,《新宗派主义:阿拉伯起义和什叶派-逊尼派分裂的重生》(牛津:牛津大学出版社);Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel(引文2017)导论:宗派化论文,见:Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel(编)宗派化:绘制中东新政治,第1-22页(伦敦:Hurst出版社);法纳尔·哈达德:《理解“宗派主义”:现代阿拉伯世界的逊尼派-什叶派关系》(伦敦:赫斯特出版社)参见Morten valbj约恩(Citation2021):“宗派主义的观察(辩论):论新中东的宗派主义政治的概念、把握和解释”,《地中海政治》,26(5),第612 - 634.17页。罗杰斯·布鲁贝克(Citation2002):“没有群体的民族”,《欧洲社会学杂志》,43(2),第163-189.17页。Mabon,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”;《沙特阿拉伯的宗教证券化和制度化宗教化》,《安全批判研究》,8(3),第203-222.18页。David Campbell (Citation1993)《没有原则的政治:主权、伦理和海湾战争的叙事》(Boulder: Lynne Reinner),第8.19页。Thierry Balzacq (Citation2011)《建构主义和证券化研究》,载于Myriam Dunn Cavelty和Victor Mauer(编)《Routledge安全研究手册》,第56-72页(Abingdon: Routledge);巴尔扎克(引自2016)Le constructivisme[建构主义],见:巴尔扎克主编。[安全理论:批判方法],第165-249页(巴黎:科学出版社)布鲁贝克,《没有群体的种族》,第21页罗杰斯·布鲁贝克和Frederick Cooper (Citation2000):超越“身份”,《理论与社会》,29(1),pp. 1 - 47。Neo,“宗教证券化”;另见Simon Mabon (Citation2018a):“存在主义威胁与调节生活:当代中东地区的证券化”,《全球话语》,8(1),pp. 42-58.24。[26]罗翰·伊斯梅尔:《沙特的神职人员与什叶派伊斯兰教》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2016)Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup & Pierre Lemaitre (Citation1993),身份,移民和欧洲的新安全议程(伦敦:Palgrave McMillan);Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde(1998)。证券:一个新的分析框架(博尔德:琳恩·瑞纳出版社)Ole Waever(引文1995)证券化与非证券化,见:Ronnie D. Lipschutz(编)On Security,第55页(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社)Holger Stritzel (Citation2007):《走向证券化理论:哥本哈根及其以后》,《欧洲国际关系杂志》13(3),第357-383页;菲利克斯·丘塔:《安全与语境问题:对证券化理论的解释学批判》,《国际研究评论》,35(2),第301-326.30页。巴尔扎克:《建构主义与证券化研究》;巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,第31页斯特泽尔,《安全,翻译》32页巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,第33页同上,第199页。每句原为法语的引语都被作者翻译了Stritzel:《走向证券化理论》,第367.35页;巴尔扎克:《建构主义与证券化研究》;巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,36页巴尔扎克,“建构主义和证券化研究”,第3.40页。马本,“存在主义威胁和调节生活”,第41页《革命证券化:证券化理论的人类学延伸》,《国际理论》,2012年第4期,第2页。 165 - 197;参见Laura a . Bray、Thomas E. Shriver和Alison E. Adams (Citation2019)《构建威权合法性:民众叛乱后的精英凝聚力》,《社会运动研究》,18(6),682-701页;从哥本哈根到乌里,跨越控制线:印度的“外科手术式打击”作为两种行为的证券化案例,《全球话语》,8(1),pp. 62-79.44 Brubaker & Cooper,“超越身份”;布鲁贝克,"没有群体的种族" 45页布鲁贝克,“没有群体的种族”,第169.46页。布鲁贝克和库珀,“超越身份”,第14.47页。Ulrik Pram Gad (Citation2017)格陵兰将成为什么样的民族国家?瑞克·Neo (Citation2020b)总统的证券化:特朗普作为国家安全威胁,剑桥国际事务评论,第10页,doi: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1816900.50 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2010)证券化理论:安全问题如何出现和化解,第3页(Abingdon: Routledge).51罗杰斯·布鲁贝克:《重新塑造的民族主义:新欧洲的国家地位和国家问题》,第21页(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社)《宏观证券化与安全体系:重新考虑证券化理论中的规模》,《国际研究评论》,35(2),第257.53页。Neo,“总统的证券化”,第3.54页。Jack Holland (Citation2013):《推销反恐战争:9/11后的外交政策话语》,第11-12页(Abingdon: Routledge)(引用2018)Quelles发出了关于“伊朗再来一次”的制裁。对伊朗的哪些制裁仍在生效?], Le Monde(5月8日),可在:https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/05/08/quelles-sanctions-contre-l-iran-sont-elles-encore-en-vigueur_5296163_3218.html,访问日期:2020年4月8日。(引文2011)巴林镇压加剧伊朗和沙特阿拉伯之间的紧张关系。《华盛顿邮报》(4月22日)。巴尔扎克,“证券化理论”,第39.58页。米利肯,“话语的研究”,第59页同上,第229.60页同上61伊斯梅尔,“沙特神职人员和什叶派伊斯兰教”。62 Ádám,“海湾地区的民众情绪和精英威胁感知”,第63页64 .托比·马蒂森:《其他沙特人:什叶派、异议和宗派主义》,第8页(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社)Neo,“宗教证券化”,第209.65页Ádám,“海湾地区的民众情绪和精英威胁感知”,第152.66页,Balzacq,“证券化理论”,第13.67页,Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2018)沙特阿拉伯国家支持的法特瓦。卡内基。可在:https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/75971,于2020年4月10日访问沙特王储想要“粉碎极端分子”。但他惩罚错了人,华盛顿邮报(10月31日)。69 . Karim Sadjadpour(引文2009):《解读哈梅内伊:伊朗最强大领导人的世界观》(华盛顿特区:卡内基国际和平基金会)Shahram Akbarzadeh和James Barry (Citation2018)在伊朗谈判人民授权和上帝主权,见:John L. Esposito, Lily Zubaidah Rahim和Naser Ghobadzadeh(编)《伊斯兰主义的政治:不同的愿景和轨迹》,第160页(Cham: Springer).72同上,第162.73页阿里·哈梅内伊(Citation2011b)阿亚图拉·哈梅内伊阿拉伯语对阿拉伯国家的讲话(英文次)。YouTube。阿里·哈梅内伊在艾琳·坎宁安发表讲话(引文2020)在罕见的周五布道中,伊朗的哈梅内伊表示,美国的“超级大国形象”受到了打击。《华盛顿邮报》(1月17日)。哈梅内伊:https://twitter.com/khamenei_ir?lang=frRouhani: https://twitter.com/HassanRouhaniZarif: https://twitter.com/JZarif76 https://twitter.com/ar_khamenei77巴尔扎克,“Le constructivisme”,p. 200.78同上,79 Juha A。 言外逻辑与证券化:证券化理论在非民主政治秩序研究中的应用[j]。巴尔扎克,“证券化理论”,第9.81页。伊斯梅尔,“沙特神职人员和什叶派伊斯兰教”,第55页;59.82同上,第61.83页同上,第144.84页同上,第162.85页虽然分析这种潜在的波斯因素将是最大的兴趣,作者诱使学生进行这样的研究,但它将超出本文的范围和限制人权观察:他们不是我们的兄弟。人权观察,第33页。可访问网址:https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/saudi0917_web.pdf,于2020.87年4月8日在奥伦·阿达基和大卫·安德鲁·温伯格(引文2015)在海湾地区鼓吹仇恨和宗派主义。奥拉·塞勒姆和阿卜杜拉·阿拉乌德(引文2019)穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼的虚假反极端主义运动。《外交政策》(6月13日)。查阅网址:https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/13/mohammed-bin-salmans-fake-anti-extremist-campaign/,于2020年4月11日在Alaoudh,“沙特阿拉伯国家支持的法特瓦”卡舒吉是“沙特阿拉伯的王储”人权观察,“他们不是我们的兄弟”,第33.92页伊斯梅尔,“沙特神职人员和什叶派伊斯兰教”,第148.93页人权观察,“他们不是我们的兄弟”,第50-61.94页什叶派权利观察(Citation2017)双年度反什叶派报告。什叶派权利观察。国际危机组织(Citation2005):沙特阿拉伯的什叶派问题。国际危机组织,第10页。人权观察,“他们不是我们的兄弟”,第29.97页同上,第31.98页同上,第51.99页布鲁贝克,“没有群体的种族”,第172.100页穆罕默德·贾瓦德·扎里夫(Citation2016)让我们摆脱瓦哈比主义的世界。纽约时报(9月13日)。阿里·哈梅内伊(Citation2017a)国家官员在表达伊斯兰原则时应该直言不讳:阿亚图拉·哈梅内伊。Ali Khamenei(引文2016a)恐怖主义不仅仅是ISIS,沙特的罪行是最恶劣的恐怖主义。阿里·哈梅内伊(引文2016b):阿亚图拉·哈梅内伊:不允许什叶派侮辱逊尼派。哈桑·鲁哈尼(Hassan rouhani)在《伊朗:鲁哈尼呼吁穆斯林“惩罚”沙特阿拉伯》一文中发表。文森特·艾弗林在皮埃尔·阿隆索(Citation2018)的《En Iran, la peur d 'un nouveau Saddam Hussein》(在伊朗,对新萨达姆·侯赛因的恐惧)中发表。利比亚(1月14日)。可在:http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/01/14/en-iran-la-peur-d-un-nouveau-saddam-hussein_1622412, 2018年1月17日访问。阿里·哈梅内伊(Citation2011a)领袖对伊斯兰觉醒的看法。Brubaker和Cooper,“超越身份”,第20.108页。Brubaker,“没有群体的民族”,第166.109页。Ali Khamenei (Citation2004)领导人引用伊朗外交政策的基本原则。阿里·哈梅内伊(引文2017b)每个人都应该公开支持也门、巴林和克什米尔人民:阿亚图拉·哈梅内伊。哈桑·鲁哈尼(引文2017)重播-在YouTube上观看伊朗总统哈桑·鲁哈尼在联合国的讲话。伊斯兰觉醒会议(Citation2019)伊斯兰觉醒大会高级理事会第12次会议。可在:http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159,于2020年4月10日访问。 113伊斯兰觉醒大会(Citation2019)伊斯兰觉醒大会高级理事会第12次会议。Brubaker,“没有群体的民族”,第172.115页。阿里·哈梅内伊(Citation2019)对伊朗民族的“革命第二阶段”声明。可在:http://english.khamenei.ir/news/6415/The-Second-Phase-of-the-Revolution-Statement-addressed-to-the,于2020年4月9日访问。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Power Struggle over ‘Muslimness’: Reification, Securitization, and Identification
AbstractThis paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of ‘Muslimness’ in both countries’ discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and ‘Muslim’ dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the ‘Muslim’ category with a ‘Sunni’ one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and ‘arrogant powers.’ The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of ‘Muslimness,’ both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive ‘identity’ defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive ‘identity’ based on ‘Muslimness,’ which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression.Key Words: IdentificationIranMuslimnessSaudi ArabiaSecuritization Disclosure StatementThe authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Elena Aoun, Thierry Balzacq and Christophe Wasinski for their comments and suggestions on previous versions of this article.Notes1 See Paul Vallely (Citation2014) The Vicious Schism between Sunni and Shia Has Been Poisoning Islam for 1,400 years - and it's Getting Worse, The Independent (February 19). Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/the-vicious-schism-between-sunni-and-shia-has-been-poisoning-islam-for-1-400-years-and-it-s-getting-worse-9139525.html, accessed April 29, 2022; Adam Taylor (Citation2016) 5 facts about Sunnis and Shiites that Help Make Sense of the Saudi-Iran Crisis, The Washington Post (January 5). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/05/5-facts-about-sunnis-and-shiites-that-help-makes-sense-of-the-saudi-iran-crisis/, accessed April 29, 2022.2 See Vali Nasr (Citation2007) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton); Nathan Gonzalez (Citation2009) The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East (Mission Viejo: Nortia Press); Helle Malmvig (Citation2014) Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East: Regional Order after the Arab Uprisings, Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), pp. 145–148.3 Asad A. Ahmed (Citation2010) The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference, in Navida Khan (ed) Beyond Crisis: Re-evaluating Pakistan (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 273–314; Mohamed Sulaiman (Citation2020) Muslimness as a Political Formation: An Inquiry into Muslim Presence, Social Identities, 26(1), pp. 31–7.4 Ibid.5 Ibid.6 Shahram Chubin & Charles Tripp (Citation2004) Iran–Saudi Arabia Relations and Regional Order (Abingdon: Routledge); Simon Mabon (Citation2015) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Power and Rivalry in the Middle East (London: I.B. Tauris); Fatiha Dazi-Héni (Citation2016) L’Arabie saoudite dans le contexte du retour en grâce de l’Iran [Saudi Arabia in the context of Iran’s return to favor], Confluences Méditérranée, 97(2), pp. 53–62; Banafsheh Keynoush (Citation2016) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Friends or Foes? (Basingstoke, New York: Palgrave MacMillan); Afshon Ostovar (Citation2017) Sectarianism and Iranian Foreign Policy, in Frederic Wehrey (ed) Beyond Sunni and Shia: The Roots of Sectarianism in a Changing Middle East, pp. 87–111 (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Hassan Ahmadian (Citation2018) Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Age of Trump, Survival, 60(2), pp. 133–150; Dilip Hiro (Citation2018) Cold War in the Islamic World: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Struggle for Supremacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Simon Mabon (Citation2018b) Muting the Trumpets of Sabotage: Saudi Arabia, the US and the Quest to Securitize Iran, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 45(5), pp. 742–759; Vrushal T. Ghoble (Citation2019) Saudi Arabia–Iran Contention and the Role of Foreign Actors, Strategic Analysis, 43(1): pp. 42–53; Simon Mabon (Citation2019) Saudi Arabia and Iran: Islam and Foreign Policy in the Middle East, in: Shahram Akbarzadeh (ed) Routledge Handbook of International Relations in the Middle East, pp. 138–152 (Abingdon: Routledge); Fahrad Rezaei (Citation2019) Iran’s Foreign Policy After the Nuclear Agreement: Politics of Normalizers and Traditionalists (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan); Mohammad Soltaninejad (Citation2019) Iran and Saudi Arabia: Emotionally Constructed Identities and the Question of Persistent Tensions, Asian Politics and Policy, 11(1), pp. 104–121; Ibrahim Fraihat (Citation2020) Iran and Saudi Arabia: Taming a Chaotic Conflict (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press).7 Fraihat, “Iran and Saudi Arabia”.8 Dazi-Héni, “L’Arabie saoudite dans le contexte du retour en grâce de l’Iran”.9 Ghoble, “Saudi Arabia-Iran Contention”.10 Keynoush, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”; Ahmadian, “Iran and Saudi Arabia”.11 Mabon, “Muting the trumpets of sabotage”.12 See, among others, Mabon, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”, p. 139.13 Éva Ádám (Citation2021) Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf: Iran in the Public Discourse in Saudi Arabia, in: Mahjoob Zweiri, Md Mizanur Rahman & Arwa Kamal (eds) The 2017 Gulf Crisis: An Interdisciplinary Approach, p. 145 (Singapore: Springer).14 See Frederic Wehrey (Citation2013) Sectarian politics in the Gulf: From the Iraq war to the Arab uprisings (New York: Columbia University Press); Geneive Abdo (Citation2017) The New Sectarianism: The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shi’a-Sunni divide (Oxford: Oxford University Press); Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel (Citation2017) Introduction: The Sectarianization Thesis, in: Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel (eds) Sectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East, pp. 1–22 (London: Hurst Publishers); Fanar Haddad (Citation2020) Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World (London: Hurst Publishers).15 See Morten Valbjørn (Citation2021) Observing (the debate on) Sectarianism: On Conceptualizing, Grasping and Explaining Sectarian Politics in a New Middle East, Mediterranean Politics, 26(5), pp. 612–634.16 Rogers Brubaker (Citation2002) Ethnicity Without Groups, European Journal of Sociology, 43(2), pp. 163–189.17 See Malmvig, “Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East”; Mabon, “Saudi Arabia and Iran”; Ric Neo (Citation2020a) Religious Securitisation and Institutionalized Sectarianism in Saudi Arabia, Critical Studies on Security, 8(3), pp. 203–222.18 David Campbell (Citation1993) Politics Without Principle: Sovereignty, Ethics, and the Narratives of the Gulf War (Boulder: Lynne Reinner), p. 8.19 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2011) Constructivism and Securitization Studies, in Myriam Dunn Cavelty & Victor Mauer (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Security Studies, pp. 56–72 (Abingdon: Routledge); Thierry Balzacq (Citation2016) Le constructivisme [Constructivism], in: Thierry Balzacq (ed) Théories de la sécurité. Les approches critiques [Security Theories: Critical Approaches], pp. 165–249 (Paris: Les presses de SciencesPo).20 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”.21 Rogers Brubaker & Frederick Cooper (Citation2000) Beyond ‘Identity’, Theory and Society, 29(1), pp. 1–47.22 See Malmvig, “Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East”; Neo, “Religious Securitisation”; Raffaella A. Del Sarto (Citation2021) Sectarian Securitization in the Middle East and the Case of Israel, International Affairs, 97(3), pp. 759–778.23 For an exception, see Simon Mabon (Citation2018a) Existential Threats and Regulating Life: Securitization in the Contemporary Middle East, Global Discourse, 8(1), pp. 42–58.24 Jennifer Milliken (Citation1999) The Study of Discourse in International Relations: A Critique of Research and Methods, European Journal of International Relations, 5(2), 225–254.25 Raihan Ismail (Citation2016) Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press).26 Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup & Pierre Lemaitre (Citation1993) Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe (London: Palgrave McMillan); Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde (1998). Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers).27 Ole Waever (Citation1995) Securitization and Desecuritization, in: Ronnie D. Lipschutz (ed) On Security, p. 55 (New York: Columbia University Press).28 Holger Stritzel (Citation2007) Towards a Theory of Securitization: Copenhagen and Beyond, European Journal of International Relations, 13(3), pp. 357–383; Holger Stritzel (Citation2011) Security, the Translation, Security Dialogue, 42(4–5), pp. 343–355.29 Felix Ciuta (Citation2009) Security and the Problem of Context: A Hermeneutical Critique of Securitisation Theory, Review of International Studies, 35(2), pp. 301–326.30 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”; Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.31 Strizel, “Security, the translation”.32 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.33 Ibid, p. 199. Every quote originally in French has been translated by the author.34 Stritzel, “Towards a Theory of Securitization”, p. 367.35 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”; Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”.36 Ibid.37 Ibid.38 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”, p. 195.39 Balzacq, “Constructivism and securitization studies”, p. 3.40 Mabon, “Existential threats and regulating life”.41 Martin Holbraad & Morten Axel Pedersen (Citation2012) Revolutionary Securitization: An Anthropological Extension of Securitization Theory, International Theory, 4(2), pp. 165–197; Maja Touzari Greenwood & Ole Waever (Citation2013) Copenhagen-Cairo on a Roundtrip: A Security Theory Meets the Revolution, Security Dialogue, 44(5–6), pp. 485–506.42 See Laura A. Bray, Thomas E. Shriver & Alison E. Adams (Citation2019) Framing Authoritarian Legitimacy: Elite Cohesion in the Aftermath of Popular Rebellion, Social Movement Studies, 18(6), pp. 682–701; Andrew J. Nathan (Citation2020) The Puzzle of Authoritarian Legitimacy, Journal of Democracy, 31(1), pp. 158–168.43 Saloni Kapur (Citation2018) From Copenhagen to Uri and across the Line of Control: India’s ‘Surgical Strikes’ as a Case of Securitisation in Two Acts, Global Discourse, 8(1), pp. 62–79.44 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”; Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”.45 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 169.46 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, p. 14.47 Ulrik Pram Gad (Citation2017) What Kind of Nation State will Greenland be? Securitization Theory as a Strategy for Analyzing Identity Politics, Politik, 20(3), p. 108.48 Brubaker & Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, pp. 4–5.49 Ric Neo (Citation2020b) Securitization of the President: Trump as a National Security Threat, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, p. 10, doi: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1816900.50 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2010) Securitization Theory: How Security Problems Emerge and Dissolve, p. 3 (Abingdon: Routledge).51 Rogers Brubaker (Citation1996) Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe, p. 21 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).52 Barry Buzan & Ole Waever (Citation2009) Macrosecuritisation and Security Constellations: Reconsidering Scale in Securitisation Theory, Review of International Studies, 35(2), p. 257.53 Neo, “Securitization of the President”, p. 3.54 Jack Holland (Citation2013) Selling the War on Terror: Foreign Policy Discourses After 9/11, pp. 11–12 (Abingdon: Routledge).55 Charlotte Peytour (Citation2018) Quelles sont les sanctions contre l’Iran encore en vigueur? [What Sanctions against Iran Are Still in Effect?], Le Monde (May 8). Available at: https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/05/08/quelles-sanctions-contre-l-iran-sont-elles-encore-en-vigueur_5296163_3218.html, accessed April 8, 2020.56 Thomas Erdbrink & Joby Warrick (Citation2011) Bahrain Crackdown Fueling Tensions between Iran, Saudi Arabia. The Washington Post (April 22). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/bahrain-crackdown-fueling-tensions-between-iran-saudi-arabia/2011/04/21/AFVe6WPE_story.html, accessed April 8, 2020.57 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 39.58 Milliken, “The Study of Discourse”.59 Ibid, p. 229.60 Ibid.61 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”.62 Ádám, “Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf”.63 Toby Matthiesen (Citation2015) The Other Saudis: Shiism, Dissent and Sectarianism, p. 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).64 Neo, “Religious securitisation”, p. 209.65 Ádám, “Popular Sentiments and Elite Threat Perception in the Gulf”, p. 152.66 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 13.67 Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2018) State-Sponsored Fatwas in Saudi Arabia. Carnegie. Available at: https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/75971, accessed April 10, 2020.68 Ibid; Jamal Khashoggi (Citation2017) Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Wants to ‘Crush Extremists’. But He’s Punishing the Wrong People, The Washington Post (October 31). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2017/10/31/saudi-arabias-crown-prince-wants-to-crush-extremists-but-hes-punishing-the-wrong-people/, accessed April 10, 2020.69 Karim Sadjadpour (Citation2009) Reading Khamenei: The World View of Iran’s Most Powerful Leader (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace).70 Mabon, “Existential threats and regulating life”, p. 4.71 Shahram Akbarzadeh & James Barry (Citation2018) Negotiating Popular Mandate and the Sovereignty of God in Iran, in: John L. Esposito, Lily Zubaidah Rahim & Naser Ghobadzadeh (eds) The Politics of Islamism: Diverging Visions and Trajectories, p. 160 (Cham: Springer).72 Ibid, p. 162.73 Ali Khamenei (Citation2011b) Ayatullah Khamenei's Address to Arab Nations in Arabic (English Sub). YouTube. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yTLlGiqXuKY, accessed March 31, 2020.74 Ali Khamenei in Erin Cunningham (Citation2020) In rare Friday sermon, Iran’s Khamenei says U.S. suffered blow to ‘superpower image’. The Washington Post (January 17). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/in-rare-friday-sermon-irans-khamenei-says-us-suffered-blow-to-superpower-image/2020/01/17/76ec4bf0-389b-11ea-a1ff-c48c1d59a4a1_story.html, accessed April 1, 2020.75 Khamenei: https://twitter.com/khamenei_ir?lang=frRouhani: https://twitter.com/HassanRouhaniZarif: https://twitter.com/JZarif76 https://twitter.com/ar_khamenei77 Balzacq, “Le constructivisme”, p. 200.78 Ibid.79 Juha A. Vuori (Citation2008) Illocutionary Logic and Strands of Securitization: Applying the Theory of Securitization to the Study of Non-Democratic Political Orders. European Journal of International Relations, 14(1), p. 72.80 Balzacq, “Securitization Theory”, p. 9.81 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”, pp. 55; 59.82 Ibid, p. 61.83 Ibid, p. 144.84 Ibid, p. 162.85 Although analyzing this potential Persian factor would be of the greatest interest and the author entices students to undertake such a study, it would go out of the scope and limits of this article.86 In Human Rights Watch (Citation2017) They Are Not Our Brothers. Human Rights Watch, p. 33. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/saudi0917_web.pdf, accessed April 8, 2020.87 In Oren Adaki & David Andrew Weinberg (Citation2015) Preaching Hate and Sectarianism in the Gulf. Foreign Policy (May 5). Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/05/05/preaching-hate-and-sectarianism-in-the-gulf-saudi-arabia-qatar-uae-saad-bin-ateeq-al-ateeq/, accessed April 10, 2020.88 Ola Salem & Abdullah Alaoudh (Citation2019) Mohammed bin Salman’s Fake Anti-Extremists Campaign. Foreign Policy (June 13). Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/06/13/mohammed-bin-salmans-fake-anti-extremist-campaign/, accessed April 11, 2020.89 In Alaoudh, “State-Sponsored Fatwas in Saudi Arabia”.90 In Khashoggi, “Saudi Arabia’s crown prince”.91 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, p. 33.92 Ismail, “Saudi Clerics and Shi’a Islam”, p. 148.93 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, pp. 50–61.94 Shia Rights Watch (Citation2017) Bi-Annual Anti-Shiism Report. Shia Rights Watch. Available at: https://shiarightswatch.org/bi-annual-anti-shiism-report/, accessed April 10, 2020.95 International Crisis Group (Citation2005) The Shiite Question in Saudi Arabia. International Crisis Group, p. 10. Available at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/45-the-shiite-question-in-saudi-arabia.pdf, accessed April 8, 2020.96 Human Rights Watch, “They Are Not Our Brothers”, p. 29.97 Ibid, p. 31.98 Ibid, p. 51.99 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 172.100 Mohammad Javad Zarif (Citation2016) Let Us Rid the World of Wahhabism. The New-York Times (September 13). Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/14/opinion/mohammad-javad-zarif-let-us-rid-the-world-of-wahhabism.html, accessed December 11, 2017.101 Ali Khamenei (Citation2017a) Officials of the Country Should Be Outspoken When Expressing Islamic Principles: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4884/Officials-of-the-Country-Should-Be-Outspoken-When-Expressing, accessed March 31, 2020.102 Ali Khamenei (Citation2016a) Terrorism is not only ISIS, Saudi crimes are the worst type of terrorism. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4263/Terrorism-is-not-only-ISIS-Saudi-crimes-are-the-worst-type-of, accessed February 5, 2018.103 Ali Khamenei (Citation2016b) No Shia is allowed to insult Sunnis: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4164/No-Shia-is-allowed-to-insult-Sunnis-Ayatollah-Khamenei, accessed February 7, 2018.104 Hassan Rohani in Clément Daniez (Citation2016) Iran: Rohani appelle les musulmans à ‘punir’ l’Arabie saoudite [Iran: Rohani calls on Muslims to ‘punish’ Saudi Arabia]. L’Express (September 7). Available at: https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/proche-moyen-orient/iran-rohani-appelle-les-musulmans-a-punir-l-arabie-saoudite_1828042.html, accessed February 6, 2018.105 Vincent Eiffling in Pierre Alonso (Citation2018) En Iran, la peur d’un nouveau Saddam Hussein [In Iran, the fear of a new Saddam Hussein]. Libération (January 14). Available at: http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/01/14/en-iran-la-peur-d-un-nouveau-saddam-hussein_1622412, accessed January 17, 2018.106 Ali Khamenei (Citation2011a) Leader’s View of Islamic Awakening. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/1416/Leader-s-View-of-Islamic-Awakening, accessed April 8, 2020.107 Brubaker and Cooper, “Beyond Identity”, p. 20.108 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 166.109 Ali Khamenei (Citation2004) Leader Cites Basic Principles of Iran’s Foreign Policy. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/633/Leader-Cites-Basic-Principles-of-Iran-s-Foreign-Policy, accessed April 20, 2018.110 Ali Khamenei (Citation2017b) Everyone should openly support people of Yemen, Bahrain and Kashmir: Ayatollah Khamenei. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/4943/Everyone-should-openly-support-people-of-Yemen-Bahrain-and-Kashmir, accessed April 18, 2018.111 Hassan Rohani (Citation2017) REPLAY – Watch Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s address to the U.N. YouTube. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xl9fKb7MoxQ, accessed April 20, 2018.112 Islamic Awakening Conference (Citation2019) The 12th Meeting of the High Council of the Islamic Awakening Assembly. Available at: http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159, accessed April 10, 2020.113 Islamic Awakening Conference (Citation2019) The 12th Meeting of the High Council of the Islamic Awakening Assembly. Available at: http://islamic-awakening.ir/en/3159, accessed April 10, 2020.114 Brubaker, “Ethnicity without groups”, p. 172.115 Ali Khamenei (Citation2019) The ‘Second Phase of the Revolution’ Statement addressed to the Iranian nation. Available at: http://english.khamenei.ir/news/6415/The-Second-Phase-of-the-Revolution-Statement-addressed-to-the, accessed April 9, 2020.
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
Middle East Critique
Middle East Critique AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
2.20
自引率
6.20%
发文量
25
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信