The role of the African Union in tackling democratic recession in Africa

ABSTRACTThe African Union (AU), as a norm-setting institution, is tasked with addressing democratic recession on the African continent. This article critically analyses that role from the minimalist conception track of democracy as elections. Inadvertently, due to the AU’s intergovernmental institutional character and the inter-play between the norms of democratic governance and ‘elections as sovereign process’ among the member states, the tendency is for the AU to choose to posture around securing momentary peace. This has undermined democratic consolidation and progress on the continent, in spite of the significant investment which the AU has made in electoral and democratic governance institutions and processes in the past two decades. Consequently, contested electoral outcomes, popular revolts and the resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government continue to take place in Africa. The desired progress towards democracy as development, which is a framing enshrined in the AU’s Agenda 2063, has therefore become a formidable undertaking.KEYWORDS: Democracyelectionsnormsnorm-localisationAfrican Union Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Brian CH Fong, ‘What's Driving the Democratic Recession in Asia?’ International Affairs 99, no. 3 (2023): 1273–91.2 Larry Diamond, ‘Facing Up to the Democratic Recession,’Journal of Democracy 26 (2015): 141–54 (page 144).3 Diamond, ‘Facing Up,’ 1474 African Union, ‘Agenda 2063,’ 2015, https://au.int/en/agenda2063/overview.5 Andrew Hurrell, ‘Regionalism in Theoretical Perspective,’ Regionalism in World Politics: Regional Organization and International Order (1995): 37–73 (page 65).6 Ndubuisi Christian Ani, ‘The African Union Non-indifference Stance: Lessons from Sudan and Libya,’ African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 6, no. 2 (2016): 1–22.7 Amitav Acharya, ‘How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism,’ International Organization 58, no. 2 (2004): 239–75.8 Acharya, ‘How Ideas Spread,’ 245.9 Thomas R. Eimer, Susanne Lütz, and Verena Schüren, ‘Varieties of Localization: International Norms and the Commodification of Knowledge in India and Brazil,’ Review of International Political Economy 23, no. 3 (2016): 450–79.10 Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Sirte Declaration, EAHG/Draft/ Decl. (IV) Rev.1. Adopted at the 4th extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Sirte, Libya, September 8–9, 1999; Paul D. Williams, ‘From Non-intervention to Non-indifference: The Origins and Development of the African Union's Security Culture,’ African Affairs 106, no. 423 (2007): 253–79; Chika Njideka Oguonu and Christian Chukwuebuka Ezeibe, ‘African Union and Conflict Resolution in Africa,’ Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 27 P1 (2014): 325.11 Scott Straus, ‘Wars do End! Changing Patterns of Political Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa,’ African Affairs 111, no. 443 (2012): 179–201.12 George BN Ayittey, Africa Betrayed (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992).13 Issaka K Souaré, ‘The African Union as a Norm Entrepreneur on Military Coups d’état in Africa (1952–2012): An Empirical Assessment,’ The Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 1 (2014): 69–94.14 Craig Arceneaux and David Pion-Berlin, ‘Issues, Threats, and Institutions: Explaining OAS Responses to Democratic Dilemmas in Latin America,’ Latin American Politics and Society 49, no. 2 (2007): 1–31 (page 10).15 Arceneaux and Pion-Berlin, ‘Issues, Threats, and Institutions,’ 1–31 (page 10).16 Ani, ‘The African Union Non-indifference Stance,’ 3.17 Ani, ‘The African Union Non-indifference Stance,’ 3 (Quoted from Powell 2005: 1).18 Khabele Matlosa, ‘The Nature and Future of Democracy in Africa: The Essence of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance,’ African Journal of Democracy and Governance 5, no. 3 (2018): 67–84.19 Terry Lynn Karl, ‘The Hybrid Regimes of Central America,’ Journal of Democracy 6 (1995): 72.20 Matlosa, ‘The Nature and Future of Democracy in Africa,’ 73.21 International IDEA, Global State of Democracy Report 2021, https://www.idea.int/gsod/.22 Gildfred Boateng Asiamah, Ousmane Djiby Sambou, and Sadhiska Bhoojedhur, ‘Africans Say Governments aren't doing Enough to Help Youth-revised’ (2021), https://www.afrobarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/migrated/files/publications/Dispatches/ad418-african_publics_say_governments_must_address_needs_of_youth-afrobarometer_dispatch-11jan21.pdf; Halfdan Lynge and Ferran Martinez i Coma, ‘The Effect of Economic Downturns on Voter Turnout in Africa,’ Electoral Studies 76 (2022): 102456.23 Ken Opalo, ‘The Power of Demonstration: To Increase Resilience, Democracy Must be Shown to Work,’Brookings, 2022, https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-power-of-demonstration-to-increase-democratic-resilience-it-must-be-seen-to-work/.24 Opalo, ‘The Power of Demonstration.’25 See the Elections Calendar of EISA (The Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa) for a complete list of elections since 2005 (https://www.eisa.org/election-calendar/).26 Rita Abrahamsen, ‘Return of the Generals? Global Militarism in Africa From the Cold War to the Present,’ Security Dialogue 49, no. 1–2 (2018): 19–31; Institute of Security Studies, Exorcising the demons of coups d’état. PSC Insights (2022), https://issafrica.org/pscreport/psc-insights/exorcising-the-demons-of-coups-detat.27 Souaré, ‘The African Union as a Norm Entrepreneur on Military Coups d’état in Africa (1952–2012),’ 69–94.28 Chimere Iheonu et al., ‘Democracy and Terrorism in Africa,’ International Social Science Journal 72, no. 244 (2022): 273–85.29 International IDEA, ‘Global State of Democracy 2021.’30 Robert Gerenge, Managing Elections under COVID-19 Pandemic Conditions: The Case of Mali’ (International IDEA, 2020).31 Gerenge, Managing Elections under COVID-19 Pandemic Conditions.32 AU, ‘Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government in Africa,’ 2022, https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/declaration-on-unconstitutional-changes-of-government-in-africa.33 African Union, ‘Declaration on Terrorism and Unconstitutional Changes of Government in Africa: Robust Response, Deepening Democracy and Collective Security,’ 2022, https://papsrepository.africa-union.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1664/Declaration%20on%20Terrorism%20and%20UCG%20-%20EN.pdf?sequence=6&isAllowed=y.34 AU, PSC Communique 1100, https://papsrepository.africa-union.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1712/1100.comm_en.pdf?sequence=29&isAllowed=y.35 Grant Masterson and Melanie Meirotti, Checks and Balances: African Constitutions and Democracy in the 21st Century (Johannesburg: EISA, 2017).36 Adem Kassie Abebe, ‘Taming Regressive Constitutional Amendments: The African Court as a Continental (Super) Constitutional Court,’ International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 1 (2019): 89–117.37 OAU, ‘Guidelines for African Union Electoral Observation and Monitoring Missions,’ 2002, https://archives.au.int/bitstream/handle/123456789/2060/Guidelines%20for%20Electoral%20Observation%20and%20Monitoring%20Missions_E.pdf.38 AU, ‘African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance,’ 2007, https://au.int/en/treaties/african-charter-democracy-elections-and-governance.39 Chika Charles Aniekwe and Samuel Atuobi, ‘Two Decades of Election Observation by the African Union: A Review,’ Journal of African Elections 15, no. 1 (2016).40 AU, Final Reports of Election Observation Missions, https://au.int/en/election-reports?page=4.41 AU Panel of the Wise, https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/panel-of-the-wise.42 AU Communique, ‘The 647th Meeting of the AU Peace and Security Council on the Post-election Situation in the Islamic Republic of the Gambia,’ 2017, https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/the-647th-meeting-of-the-au-peace-and-security-council-on-the-post-election-situation-in-the-islamic-republic-of-the-gambia.43 AU, ‘African Charter,’ Chapter 7.44 AU, ‘PSC Communique 1132 on Elections on Africa’ 2023:3, https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/communique-the-1132nd-meeting-of-the-au-peace-and-security-council-aupsc-on-consideration-of-the-report-of-the-chairperson-of-the-au-commission-on-elections-conducted-in-africa-from-july-to-december-2022-and-an-outlook-for-2023.45 AU, ‘African Charter.’46 Melvis Ndiloseh and Alexander Hudson, The New Model of Coups d'état in Africa: Younger, Less Violent, More Popular (International IDEA, 2022), https://www.idea.int/es/blog/new-model-coups-d%C3%A9tat-africa-younger-less-violent-more-popular.47 Joseph Asunka, ‘State of Democracy in Africa: Highlights of Round Nine Survey,’Afrobarometer, 2023.48 AU, ‘Accra Declaration,’ 2.49 But even so, supranational organisations such as the EU have struggled to contain democratic erosion as demonstrated in some of its member states such as Hungary. As Guerra argues in what he refers to as external pressure-domestic consolidation paradox, when the EU intervenes on matters of democratic erosion as shown in Hungary, it is perceived to be interfering with national sovereignty. Similar to the idea of norm localisation, Guerra further explains that this backlash is attributable to generally low level of public understanding of the EU generally; hence it is all too easy for the European public to feed into a narrative that it is illegitimate, especially if it is in the domestic government’s interests to play up that narrative to enable its own anti-democratic practices. Therefore, the EU, albeit being a supranational institution, still faces similar challenges similar to non-supranational intergovernmental organisations like the AU and OAS. They all rely on cooperation to ensure norm conformity. Jonas Tallberg, ‘Delegation to Supranational Institutions: Why, How, and with what Consequences?’ West European Politics 25, no. 1 (2002): 23–46.50 Simona Guerra, ‘Hungary and the EU are in an Endless Dispute that Challenges the Very Foundations of the Union,’ The Conversation, 21 December 2022, https://theconversation.com/hungary-and-the-eu-are-in-an-endless-dispute-that-challenges-the-very-foundations-of-the-union-196823. Similar to the idea of norm localisation, Guerra further explains that this backlash is attributable to generally low level of public understanding of the EU generally; hence it is all too easy for the European public to feed into a narrative that it is illegitimate, especially if it is in the domestic government’s interests to play up that narrative to enable its own anti-democratic practices.51 AU, Speech by Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, 16th Extraordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union on Terrorism and Unconstitutional Changes of Government on Africa, Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, 28 May 2022, Page 6, https://au.int/ar/node/41857.52 James A Gardner, ‘Consent, Legitimacy and Elections: Implementing Popular Sovereignty under the Lockean Constitution,’ University of Pittsburgh Law Review 52 (1990): 189.53 Reuters, African Union will not recognise Gambia's Jammeh from January 19, 13 January 2017, https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-gambia-politics-idUKKBN14X17G.54 BBC, ‘Guinea Elections: Alpha Condé wins Third Term Amid Violent Protests’ 24 October 2020, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54657359.55 See The United Nations, ‘The UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi: An electoral campaign marred by a spiral of violence and political intolerance.' 14 May 2020. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2020/05/un-commission-inquiry-burundi-electoral-campaign-marred-spiral-violence-0; Human Rights Watch, ‘DR Congo: Voter Suppression, Violence'. January 2019. https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/01/05/dr-congo-voter-suppression-violence; Human Rights Watch, ‘Côte d'Ivoire: Post-Election Violence, Repression', 2020. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/02/cote-divoire-post-election-violence-repression; Faiza, Soule Youssouf and Kamlesh, Bhuckory, ‘Comoros Opposition Cries Foul as Election Violence Erupts'. March 2019. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-03-24/comoros-starts-presidential-election-with-13-candidates-in-race#xj4y7vzkg.56 Robert Gerenge, ‘Preventive Diplomacy and the AU Panel of the Wise in Africa's Electoral-related Conflicts,’ SAIIA, 2015, 1–2.57 Gerenge, ‘Preventive Diplomacy,’ 2.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRobert GerengeRobert Gerenge is a PhD candidate in political studies at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. The views expressed in this article do not in any way represent any institutional affiliation of the author.