种姓魔鬼和工人阶级先知:孟加拉次等的伊斯兰教,大约1872-1928年

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES
Layli Uddin
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文研究了种姓和伊斯兰教在孟加拉的关系,当时种姓和伊斯兰教作为殖民地国家和社区之间的身份标志具有高度的意义。主要以北印度为研究对象的学术研究强调了穆斯林社会分层的等级制度与伊斯兰平等主义的理想和传统之间的对比。然而,这篇文章表明,基于种姓的斗争和紧张局势产生了革命性的伊斯兰教。我认为,路易斯·马洛(Louise Marlow)在早期伊斯兰教中所描述的伊斯兰平等主义的颠覆性潜力,是由低种姓的孟加拉穆斯林保持的。种姓制度的社会现实使人们对成为穆斯林意味着什么有了多种理解,其中更激进的是下层本体论——在世界上成为穆斯林的不同含义。在这里,我分析了四位不可靠的叙述者在二十世纪之交写的关于种姓的文章——一位英国殖民民族学家,一位ashrāfī穆斯林人类学家和两位穆斯林改革者——来描述孟加拉低种姓穆斯林群体的政治和生活世界。这篇文章主张对这一时期的伊斯兰改革和发展进行更细致入微的理解,意识到塑造其进程的底层潮流。我展示了一种“拒绝”伊斯兰精英的改革派政治是如何作为对种姓不平等问题的回应而出现的。这些话语和实践否定了穆斯林精英的头衔,以劳动历史为中心,强调平等是一种具体化的经历,揭示了低等伊斯兰教的革命潜力。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Casteist demons and working-class prophets: subaltern Islam in Bengal, circa 1872–1928
Abstract This article investigates the relationship between caste and Islam in Bengal at a time when they acquired heightened significance as markers of identity for the colonial state and between communities. Scholarship, mainly drawing on North India, has emphasised the contrast between the existence in practice of a hierarchical system of social stratification among Muslims and the ideals and traditions of Islamic egalitarianism. This article, however, shows that caste-based struggles and tensions produced a revolutionary Islam. I suggest that the subversive potential of Islamic egalitarianism, described in early Islam by Louise Marlow, was kept alive by low-caste Bengali Muslims. The social reality of caste enabled multiple understandings of what it meant to be a Muslim, and the more radical among them were subaltern ontologies—different meanings of what it was to be a Muslim in the world. Here, I analyse writings on caste by four unreliable narrators around the turn of the twentieth century—a British colonial ethnographer, an ashrāfī Muslim anthropologist, and two Muslim reformers—to describe the politics and lifeworlds of low-caste Muslim groups in Bengal. The article argues for a more nuanced understanding of this period of Islamic reform and development, one that is conscious of the subaltern currents shaping its course. I show how a reformist politics of ‘rejection’ of elite Islam emerged as a response to the problem of caste inequality. These discourses and practices repudiating elite Muslim titles, centring histories of labour, and emphasising equality as an embodied experience reveal the revolutionary potentialities of a subaltern Islam.
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CiteScore
0.70
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