《红色恐慌:美国本土恐怖分子》作者:乔安妮·巴克

Melanie K. Yazzie
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Examples in the book range from Dillon S. Myer’s tenure as commissioner of the Bureau of Indian Affairs from 1950 to 1953, to the movement to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline and the Oceti Sakowin–led encampments along the Cannonball River in Standing Rock Sioux treaty lands in 2016 and 2017, to Elizabeth Warren’s claims to Cherokee and Delaware descent, which became a matter of national controversy in 2016 when then-president Donald J. Trump mocked Warren’s claims in a move to politically discredit her. Throughout the course of the book, Barker underscores how Indigenous people are rendered as subhuman within state discourses of terrorism, or as “lives not worthy of life, as lives forever defined by the fate of death, injury, and grief ” (5). The author posits two archetypes of this subhuman or forestalled subjectivity: the murderable Indian and the kinless Indian, which chapters 2 and 3 address in turn. Drawing from the historical examples I mention above, Barker argues that both archetypes are a fiction and a creation of US imperialism, which must constantly position Indigenous people, culture, and nationhood as without humanity—and thus violable—to justify its own superiority. The two archetypes are animated through the discourse of terrorism. Barker argues that the very transition of Indigenous people into subjects of the state happens through their categorization as terrorists who threaten the state: whereas the murderable Indian threatens national security, the kinless Indian threatens social stability. These threats make Indigenous people useful in the sense that the state can recreate and expand its power through endless moves to curb the threat of anyone who can be deemed “Indian.” Given its Foucauldian interest in subject formation and power, Red Scare is essentially a book about how the United States and Canada interpolate Indigenous people into their practices of state power. The book helps us understand how the murderable and kinless Indian bolsters state power; they are semiotic containers injected with meaning by the state to serve its own interests, namely, the securing of resources for its capitalist, imperialist, and colonial goals. The discourse of terrorism is immensely useful and productive for securing such goals because it [End Page 187] justifies violence against Indigenous people, whose ongoing connections to land and claims to sovereignty are seen as dangerous impediments to these goals, and therefore in need of punishment, disparagement, degradation, and destruction. But Barker points out in the fourth and final chapter that many Indigenous people refuse this deadly subjectification by the state. For Barker, such refusal is the space where alternative political and social orders of Indigenous life continue to exist outside of, and despite, state violence. Barker calls these spaces the “Indigenous embodiment of a social alterity” (30), premised on land-based practices of relationship and responsibility. Again, using an Indigenous feminist methodology centered on relationality—this time to sketch the relationality of Indigenous alterities—Barker outlines the “many ways by which Indigenous peoples oppose and dissociate imperial relations” (114). Rematriation and rootedness are two types of alterities that Barker chooses to highlight. Rematriation is the return of land to Indigenous governance, and rootedness emerges from kin-based land stewardship that emphasizes noncompetitive, reciprocal interdependencies between all forms of life. While the United States and Canada have been hard at work using the discourse of counterterrorism to crush these alterities, Barker suggests that Indigenous movements are already proving that “the future is not something we are waiting for, but...","PeriodicalId":80425,"journal":{"name":"American Indian quarterly","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Red Scare: The State’s Indigenous Terrorist by Joanne Barker (review)\",\"authors\":\"Melanie K. Yazzie\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/aiq.2023.a906098\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Reviewed by: Red Scare: The State’s Indigenous Terrorist by Joanne Barker Melanie K. Yazzie Joanne Barker. Red Scare: The State’s Indigenous Terrorist. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2021. 192 pp. Hardcover, $85.00. 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Myer’s tenure as commissioner of the Bureau of Indian Affairs from 1950 to 1953, to the movement to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline and the Oceti Sakowin–led encampments along the Cannonball River in Standing Rock Sioux treaty lands in 2016 and 2017, to Elizabeth Warren’s claims to Cherokee and Delaware descent, which became a matter of national controversy in 2016 when then-president Donald J. Trump mocked Warren’s claims in a move to politically discredit her. Throughout the course of the book, Barker underscores how Indigenous people are rendered as subhuman within state discourses of terrorism, or as “lives not worthy of life, as lives forever defined by the fate of death, injury, and grief ” (5). The author posits two archetypes of this subhuman or forestalled subjectivity: the murderable Indian and the kinless Indian, which chapters 2 and 3 address in turn. Drawing from the historical examples I mention above, Barker argues that both archetypes are a fiction and a creation of US imperialism, which must constantly position Indigenous people, culture, and nationhood as without humanity—and thus violable—to justify its own superiority. The two archetypes are animated through the discourse of terrorism. Barker argues that the very transition of Indigenous people into subjects of the state happens through their categorization as terrorists who threaten the state: whereas the murderable Indian threatens national security, the kinless Indian threatens social stability. These threats make Indigenous people useful in the sense that the state can recreate and expand its power through endless moves to curb the threat of anyone who can be deemed “Indian.” Given its Foucauldian interest in subject formation and power, Red Scare is essentially a book about how the United States and Canada interpolate Indigenous people into their practices of state power. The book helps us understand how the murderable and kinless Indian bolsters state power; they are semiotic containers injected with meaning by the state to serve its own interests, namely, the securing of resources for its capitalist, imperialist, and colonial goals. The discourse of terrorism is immensely useful and productive for securing such goals because it [End Page 187] justifies violence against Indigenous people, whose ongoing connections to land and claims to sovereignty are seen as dangerous impediments to these goals, and therefore in need of punishment, disparagement, degradation, and destruction. But Barker points out in the fourth and final chapter that many Indigenous people refuse this deadly subjectification by the state. For Barker, such refusal is the space where alternative political and social orders of Indigenous life continue to exist outside of, and despite, state violence. Barker calls these spaces the “Indigenous embodiment of a social alterity” (30), premised on land-based practices of relationship and responsibility. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

书评:《红色恐慌:美国本土恐怖分子》,作者:乔安妮·巴克。红色恐慌:美国本土的恐怖分子。伯克利:加州大学出版社,2021年。192页精装版,85美元。乔安妮·巴克(Joanne Barker)的《红色恐慌》(Red Scare)介绍了在美国和加拿大帝国主义的话语中,“如何将土著与恐怖主义区分开来”(110)。巴克运用土著女性主义的方法论描绘了多个历史时期的土著-国家关系,特别强调了国家对恐怖主义的定义如何塑造这种关系,以符合其帝国利益。虽然从技术上讲并不是这些关系的历史,但《红色恐慌》包含了各种历史例子,以证明美国国家权力如何始终将土著与恐怖主义联系在一起。书中的例子包括狄龙·s·迈尔(Dillon S. Myer)在1950年至1953年担任印第安事务局局长的任期,以及2016年和2017年在立岩苏族条约土地上阻止达科塔管道和奥塞蒂·萨科温(Oceti sako温)领导的炮弹河沿岸营地的运动,以及伊丽莎白·沃伦(Elizabeth Warren)声称自己是切诺基人和特拉华人的后裔,2016年,当时的总统唐纳德·j·特朗普嘲笑沃伦的说法,试图在政治上抹黑她,这成为了全国争议的问题。根据我上面提到的历史例子,巴克认为这两种原型都是虚构的,是美帝国主义的产物,它必须不断地将土著人民、文化和国家定位为没有人性的——因此是可侵犯的——以证明自己的优越性。这两个原型是通过恐怖主义的话语而活跃起来的。巴克认为,原住民转变为国家主体的过程,正是因为他们被归类为威胁国家的恐怖分子:可杀人的印第安人威胁国家安全,无亲属的印第安人威胁社会稳定。这些威胁使土著人民变得有用,因为国家可以通过无休止的行动来重新创造和扩大其权力,以遏制任何被视为“印第安人”的人的威胁。考虑到它对主体形成和权力的福柯式兴趣,《红色恐慌》本质上是一本关于美国和加拿大如何将土著人民插入到他们的国家权力实践中的书。这本书帮助我们理解了嗜血成性、没有血缘的印度人是如何巩固国家权力的;它们是由国家注入意义的符号学容器,以服务于其自身利益,即为其资本主义、帝国主义和殖民目标确保资源。恐怖主义的话语对于实现这些目标非常有用和富有成效,因为它证明了对土著人民的暴力行为是正当的,土著人民与土地的持续联系和对主权的要求被视为实现这些目标的危险障碍,因此需要惩罚、贬低、退化和毁灭。但巴克在第四章,也是最后一章指出,许多土著人民拒绝国家这种致命的主体化。对巴克来说,这种拒绝是原住民生活的另类政治和社会秩序在国家暴力之外继续存在的空间。巴克称这些空间为“社会另类的土著体现”(30),其前提是基于土地的关系和责任实践。再一次,barker使用了一种以关系为中心的土著女性主义方法论——这一次是为了描绘土著另类的关系——概述了“土著人民反对和分离帝国关系的许多方式”(114)。回归和扎根是巴克选择强调的两种变体。重新归化是将土地归还给土著治理,根植于以亲属为基础的土地管理,强调所有生活形式之间的非竞争性和相互依赖性。虽然美国和加拿大一直在努力使用反恐话语来粉碎这些变化,但巴克认为,土著运动已经证明,“未来不是我们等待的东西,而是……
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Red Scare: The State’s Indigenous Terrorist by Joanne Barker (review)
Reviewed by: Red Scare: The State’s Indigenous Terrorist by Joanne Barker Melanie K. Yazzie Joanne Barker. Red Scare: The State’s Indigenous Terrorist. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2021. 192 pp. Hardcover, $85.00. Joanne Barker’s Red Scare offers an introduction into “how Indigeneity has been made indistinguishable from terrorism” (110) within discourses of US and Canadian imperialism. Barker uses an Indigenous feminist methodology to sketch Indigenous–state relationality across multiple [End Page 186] historical periods, with particular emphasis on how state definitions of terrorism shape this relationality to conform with its imperial interests. While not technically a history of these relations, Red Scare includes a variety of historical examples to demonstrate how US state power has consistently linked indigeneity to terrorism. Examples in the book range from Dillon S. Myer’s tenure as commissioner of the Bureau of Indian Affairs from 1950 to 1953, to the movement to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline and the Oceti Sakowin–led encampments along the Cannonball River in Standing Rock Sioux treaty lands in 2016 and 2017, to Elizabeth Warren’s claims to Cherokee and Delaware descent, which became a matter of national controversy in 2016 when then-president Donald J. Trump mocked Warren’s claims in a move to politically discredit her. Throughout the course of the book, Barker underscores how Indigenous people are rendered as subhuman within state discourses of terrorism, or as “lives not worthy of life, as lives forever defined by the fate of death, injury, and grief ” (5). The author posits two archetypes of this subhuman or forestalled subjectivity: the murderable Indian and the kinless Indian, which chapters 2 and 3 address in turn. Drawing from the historical examples I mention above, Barker argues that both archetypes are a fiction and a creation of US imperialism, which must constantly position Indigenous people, culture, and nationhood as without humanity—and thus violable—to justify its own superiority. The two archetypes are animated through the discourse of terrorism. Barker argues that the very transition of Indigenous people into subjects of the state happens through their categorization as terrorists who threaten the state: whereas the murderable Indian threatens national security, the kinless Indian threatens social stability. These threats make Indigenous people useful in the sense that the state can recreate and expand its power through endless moves to curb the threat of anyone who can be deemed “Indian.” Given its Foucauldian interest in subject formation and power, Red Scare is essentially a book about how the United States and Canada interpolate Indigenous people into their practices of state power. The book helps us understand how the murderable and kinless Indian bolsters state power; they are semiotic containers injected with meaning by the state to serve its own interests, namely, the securing of resources for its capitalist, imperialist, and colonial goals. The discourse of terrorism is immensely useful and productive for securing such goals because it [End Page 187] justifies violence against Indigenous people, whose ongoing connections to land and claims to sovereignty are seen as dangerous impediments to these goals, and therefore in need of punishment, disparagement, degradation, and destruction. But Barker points out in the fourth and final chapter that many Indigenous people refuse this deadly subjectification by the state. For Barker, such refusal is the space where alternative political and social orders of Indigenous life continue to exist outside of, and despite, state violence. Barker calls these spaces the “Indigenous embodiment of a social alterity” (30), premised on land-based practices of relationship and responsibility. Again, using an Indigenous feminist methodology centered on relationality—this time to sketch the relationality of Indigenous alterities—Barker outlines the “many ways by which Indigenous peoples oppose and dissociate imperial relations” (114). Rematriation and rootedness are two types of alterities that Barker chooses to highlight. Rematriation is the return of land to Indigenous governance, and rootedness emerges from kin-based land stewardship that emphasizes noncompetitive, reciprocal interdependencies between all forms of life. While the United States and Canada have been hard at work using the discourse of counterterrorism to crush these alterities, Barker suggests that Indigenous movements are already proving that “the future is not something we are waiting for, but...
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