After the Minimum Parking Requirement

AbstractProblem, research strategy, and findings Minimum parking requirements (MPRs) have been criticized for creating excess parking, degrading urban form, reducing housing affordability, and encouraging automobile dependency. As a result, many American cities have begun to reduce or remove parking minimums in some or all areas. However, existing research on the effects of these policy changes has focused only on the analysis of parking supply. We investigated the broader results of parking reform at a small university city in the Midwest that removed MPRs for downtown and university districts. Our quasi-experimental research found that onsite parking construction in the deregulated zones decreased dramatically, from 108% of the earlier requirement to only 46%, clearly indicating that MPRs had enforced oversupply of parking. Of the 43 new major developments built in the 7 years following the parking reform, 84% provided less parking than previous requirements, including eight developments with zero parking. The reduction in onsite parking led to more efficient use of existing parking stock, both public and private. Furthermore, the removal of MPRs, combined with other policies, helped improve urban form by increasing housing density, promoting active building frontages, and guiding a growing share of new developments to transit-rich and walkable districts.Takeaway for practice American cities stand to benefit greatly by relaxing or repealing parking requirements. Cities that expect resistance to parking reforms can take a targeted and incremental approach, first removing MPRs in denser areas such as downtowns, transit corridors, and other prime districts where an oversupply of parking is typically being reinforced by uniform MPRs. The case of Champaign (IL) demonstrates that a targeted district-scale reform is likely to encounter minimal opposition.Keywords: minimum parking requirementsparkingparking reformquasi-experimental researchurban development ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWe are thankful to Colton Johnson and Jonah Farran, undergraduate students in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Illinois, for their support in data collection and surveys. We are also grateful to Ben LeRoy (ex-zoning administrator), Rob Kowalski (assistant planning and development director), and Kris Koester (administrative services manager) from the City of Champaign and Lily Wilcock (Planner II) from the City of Urbana for providing us with essential data and valuable insights for this research.SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01944363.2023.2248093Additional informationNotes on contributorsSrirang SohoniSRIRANG SOHONI (ssohon3@illinois.edu) is a doctoral student in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Illinois, Urbana–Champaign.Bumsoo LeeBUMSOO LEE (bumsoo@illinois.edu) is an associate professor in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Illinois, Urbana–Champaign.