替代效应与美国众议院意识形态两极分化的缓慢循环

Thomas L. Brunell, B. Grofman, S. Merrill
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引用次数: 0

摘要

意识形态的两极化和党派的敌意可以说是过去几十年美国选举历史的驱动力。今天,在国会和其他地方,当选的民主党人和当选的共和党人之间存在着巨大的意识形态鸿沟。但这种模式在美国政治史上并不罕见。McCarty, Poole和Rosenthal(2006)使用DW-NOMINATE分数的第一个维度为美国众议院提供了令人信服的证据,证明了1856年至2006年期间意识形态趋同和分歧的循环模式,我们称之为手风琴效应。我们感兴趣的是必须建立的选举机制,以产生可观察到的当代动态,而不是因果关系本身。首先,在一维意识形态竞争的模型中,对于选区中位数的固定分布,我们将国会中民主党和共和党的平均地位之间的差距建模为两个(可能相互关联的)因素的产物:(1)当一个地区的共和党人被民主党人(或相反)取代时,唱名投票得分的平均差异(第一个dw提名维度);(2)特定意识形态的地区将选举民主党人(共和党人)的可能性。然后,我们正式建立了可能的动态模型,包括党派更替,导致两极分化增加或减少。我们认为,自1980年以来,两党“追逐”最接近自己立场的另一方的“尾巴”,一直是加剧两极分化的驱动力。然而,我们认为,在20世纪上半叶的大部分时间里,发现了一种完全不同的替代动态,这种动态导致了20世纪50年代政党意识形态的相当大的重叠,这种重叠一直持续到20世纪70年代。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Replacement Effects and the Slow Cycle of Ideological Polarization in the U.S. House
Ideological polarization and partisan enmity is arguably the driving force of the past several decades of U.S. electoral history. Today there is a vast ideological gulf between elected Democrats and elected Republicans in Congress and elsewhere. But this pattern is not unique in U.S. political history. McCarty, Poole and Rosenthal (2006), using the first dimension of DW-NOMINATE scores for the U.S. House, show compelling evidence for a cyclic pattern of ideological convergence and divergence over the period 1856-2006 that we call the accordion effect. Our interest is in the electoral mechanisms that must be in place to generate observed contemporary dynamics rather than in causality per se. First, in a model of one-dimensional ideological competition, for a fixed distribution of constituency medians, we model the gap between the mean Democratic and the mean Republican position in Congress as the product of two (potentially interrelated) factors: (1) the mean difference in roll call voting scores (first DW-NOMINATE dimension) when a Republican in a district is replaced by a Democrat (or conversely) and (2) the likelihood that districts of a given ideological stripe will elect Democrats (Republicans). We then formally model possible dynamics involving partisan replacement, leading to either increasing or reduced polarization. We suggest that one such dynamic, where each party “chases the tail” of the other party that is closest to its own position, has been the driving force in enhancing polarization since 1980. We suggest however, that a quite different replacement dynamic was found in much of the first half of the 20th century, one leading to considerable overlap in party ideologies by the 1950s that lasted through the 1970s.
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