{"title":"网络社区的桥梁和纽带作用","authors":"P. Norris","doi":"10.1177/1081180X0200700301","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"A long tradition in sociological theory among writers such as Durkheim, Marx, Weber, Tonnies and Simmel has been concerned about the loss of community and the weakening of the face-to-face relations of Gemeinschaft, a theme revived recently in the work of Robert Putnam (2000). The role of new communication technologies, especially the Internet, has often been regarded as important for this phenomenon by either exacerbating social isolation or by reviving communities ties virtually. Contemporary debates about social capital have noted that many local networks and associations strengthen social cohesion, but another darker downside exists in community life (Portess and Landholt 1996; Edwards and Foley 1998). To understand this phenomena Putnam (2000, 2002) has drawn an important distinction between ‘bridging’ groups that function to bring together disparate members of the community, exemplified by mixed-race youth sports clubs in South Africa or the Civic Forum in Northern Ireland, and ‘bonding' groups that reinforce close-knit networks among people sharing similar backgrounds and beliefs. In Putnam’s words: “Bridging social capital refers to social networks that bring together people of different sorts, and bonding social capital brings together people of a similar sort. This is an important distinction because the externalities of groups that are bridging are likely to be positive, while networks that are bonding (limited within particular social niches) are at greater risk of producing externalities that are negative.” This conceptual distinction should be seen as a continuum rather than a dichotomy, since in practice many groups serve both bridging and bonding functions, but networks can be classified as falling closer to one end of this spectrum or the other. Heterogeneous local associations (such as PTAs and the Red Cross) are believed to have beneficial consequences for building social capital, generating interpersonal trust, and reinforcing community ties. Homogeneous bonding organizations can also serve these positive functions, but the danger is that they can also exacerbate and widen existing social cleavages, especially in pluralist societies splintered by deep-rooted ethno-national, ethno-religious or racial conflict. The dysfunctional types of bonding networks are exemplified by the Ku Klux Klan in Mississipi, La Cosa Nostra in Sicily, or the IRA in Belfast. This distinction raises important questions about how best to promote inclusive networks to foster crosscutting cleavages in divided societies. One problem is that if cities like Belfast, Johannesburg or LA are deeply divided, but local neighborhoods are socially homogeneous, then associations within each area are likely to reflect the background, beliefs, and interests of the predominant group within each community. Fragmented pluralism exacerbates the challenges facing aggregating institutions. 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The role of new communication technologies, especially the Internet, has often been regarded as important for this phenomenon by either exacerbating social isolation or by reviving communities ties virtually. Contemporary debates about social capital have noted that many local networks and associations strengthen social cohesion, but another darker downside exists in community life (Portess and Landholt 1996; Edwards and Foley 1998). To understand this phenomena Putnam (2000, 2002) has drawn an important distinction between ‘bridging’ groups that function to bring together disparate members of the community, exemplified by mixed-race youth sports clubs in South Africa or the Civic Forum in Northern Ireland, and ‘bonding' groups that reinforce close-knit networks among people sharing similar backgrounds and beliefs. 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引用次数: 295
摘要
迪尔凯姆、马克思、韦伯、托尼斯和齐美尔等作家在社会学理论中有着悠久的传统,他们一直关注社区的丧失和共同体面对面关系的削弱,这一主题最近在罗伯特·普特南(2000)的作品中重新出现。新的通信技术,特别是互联网,往往被认为是造成这一现象的重要原因,因为它要么加剧了社会孤立,要么在实质上恢复了社区联系。当代关于社会资本的辩论指出,许多地方网络和协会加强了社会凝聚力,但社区生活中存在另一个更黑暗的缺点(Portess和Landholt 1996;Edwards和Foley 1998)。为了理解这一现象,Putnam(2002,2002)对“桥接”团体和“纽带”团体进行了重要区分,前者的作用是将社区中不同的成员聚集在一起,例如南非的混合种族青年体育俱乐部或北爱尔兰的公民论坛,后者的作用是加强拥有相似背景和信仰的人们之间的紧密联系。用普特南的话来说:“桥接社会资本指的是将不同类型的人聚集在一起的社会网络,而结合社会资本则将相似类型的人聚集在一起。”这是一个重要的区别,因为连接群体的外部性可能是积极的,而连接网络(局限于特定的社会利基)产生负面外部性的风险更大。”这种概念上的区别应被视为一个连续体,而不是二分法,因为在实践中,许多群体既起桥梁作用,又起纽带作用,但网络可以被分类为更接近于这一范围的一端或另一端。异质的地方协会(如pta和红十字会)被认为对建立社会资本、产生人际信任和加强社区联系有有益的影响。同质联系组织也可以发挥这些积极作用,但危险在于它们也可能加剧和扩大现有的社会分裂,特别是在因根深蒂固的民族-国家、民族-宗教或种族冲突而分裂的多元社会。密西西比的三k党、西西里岛的La Cosa Nostra和贝尔法斯特的爱尔兰共和军就是这种不正常的联系网络的典型例子。这种区别提出了一个重要的问题,即如何最好地促进包容性网络,在分裂的社会中促进横切分裂。一个问题是,如果像贝尔法斯特、约翰内斯堡或洛杉矶这样的城市分裂严重,但当地社区在社会上是同质的,那么每个地区内的协会很可能反映出每个社区内主要群体的背景、信仰和利益。碎片化的多元化加剧了聚合机构面临的挑战。许多人认为,克服这些限制的一个重要方法可能是将地域社区过渡到网络
The Bridging and Bonding Role of Online Communities
A long tradition in sociological theory among writers such as Durkheim, Marx, Weber, Tonnies and Simmel has been concerned about the loss of community and the weakening of the face-to-face relations of Gemeinschaft, a theme revived recently in the work of Robert Putnam (2000). The role of new communication technologies, especially the Internet, has often been regarded as important for this phenomenon by either exacerbating social isolation or by reviving communities ties virtually. Contemporary debates about social capital have noted that many local networks and associations strengthen social cohesion, but another darker downside exists in community life (Portess and Landholt 1996; Edwards and Foley 1998). To understand this phenomena Putnam (2000, 2002) has drawn an important distinction between ‘bridging’ groups that function to bring together disparate members of the community, exemplified by mixed-race youth sports clubs in South Africa or the Civic Forum in Northern Ireland, and ‘bonding' groups that reinforce close-knit networks among people sharing similar backgrounds and beliefs. In Putnam’s words: “Bridging social capital refers to social networks that bring together people of different sorts, and bonding social capital brings together people of a similar sort. This is an important distinction because the externalities of groups that are bridging are likely to be positive, while networks that are bonding (limited within particular social niches) are at greater risk of producing externalities that are negative.” This conceptual distinction should be seen as a continuum rather than a dichotomy, since in practice many groups serve both bridging and bonding functions, but networks can be classified as falling closer to one end of this spectrum or the other. Heterogeneous local associations (such as PTAs and the Red Cross) are believed to have beneficial consequences for building social capital, generating interpersonal trust, and reinforcing community ties. Homogeneous bonding organizations can also serve these positive functions, but the danger is that they can also exacerbate and widen existing social cleavages, especially in pluralist societies splintered by deep-rooted ethno-national, ethno-religious or racial conflict. The dysfunctional types of bonding networks are exemplified by the Ku Klux Klan in Mississipi, La Cosa Nostra in Sicily, or the IRA in Belfast. This distinction raises important questions about how best to promote inclusive networks to foster crosscutting cleavages in divided societies. One problem is that if cities like Belfast, Johannesburg or LA are deeply divided, but local neighborhoods are socially homogeneous, then associations within each area are likely to reflect the background, beliefs, and interests of the predominant group within each community. Fragmented pluralism exacerbates the challenges facing aggregating institutions. Many believe that one important way to overcome these limitations could lie through the transition from territorial communities of place towards online