{"title":"C的第三个结构和强度:一种梯度调和语法方法","authors":"G. Müller","doi":"10.7146/aul.348.107","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"is paper addresses the third construction in German, i.e., sentences that combine clause-internal movement from a control innitive with extraposition of that innitive. I argue that conicting evidence regarding the degree of bi-/mono-clausality of the extraposed innitive (as evidenced by Santorini & Kroch’s (1991) observation that long-distance scrambling is possible whereas wide scope of negation is not) is best captured by assuming that it qualies as a CP with a C head that has more strength than the C of a preverbal restructuring innitive embedded under a control verb, but less strength than the C of a non-restructuring innitive (or a nite clause). is presupposes an approach to syntax in which a number of dierent strength assignments to a given type of category (like C) can be postulated, and can have a direct eect on the (non-) application of syntactic operations. I will show that a version of minimalist syntax incorporating the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001, 2013) that is embedded in a Gradient Harmonic Grammar approach (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016) can account for the variable strength of C in a principled way.","PeriodicalId":347827,"journal":{"name":"The Sign of the V: Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner","volume":"189 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The third construction and strength of C: A gradient harmonic grammar approach\",\"authors\":\"G. Müller\",\"doi\":\"10.7146/aul.348.107\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"is paper addresses the third construction in German, i.e., sentences that combine clause-internal movement from a control innitive with extraposition of that innitive. I argue that conicting evidence regarding the degree of bi-/mono-clausality of the extraposed innitive (as evidenced by Santorini & Kroch’s (1991) observation that long-distance scrambling is possible whereas wide scope of negation is not) is best captured by assuming that it qualies as a CP with a C head that has more strength than the C of a preverbal restructuring innitive embedded under a control verb, but less strength than the C of a non-restructuring innitive (or a nite clause). is presupposes an approach to syntax in which a number of dierent strength assignments to a given type of category (like C) can be postulated, and can have a direct eect on the (non-) application of syntactic operations. I will show that a version of minimalist syntax incorporating the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001, 2013) that is embedded in a Gradient Harmonic Grammar approach (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016) can account for the variable strength of C in a principled way.\",\"PeriodicalId\":347827,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"The Sign of the V: Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner\",\"volume\":\"189 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2019-12-07\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"5\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"The Sign of the V: Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.7146/aul.348.107\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Sign of the V: Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.7146/aul.348.107","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
The third construction and strength of C: A gradient harmonic grammar approach
is paper addresses the third construction in German, i.e., sentences that combine clause-internal movement from a control innitive with extraposition of that innitive. I argue that conicting evidence regarding the degree of bi-/mono-clausality of the extraposed innitive (as evidenced by Santorini & Kroch’s (1991) observation that long-distance scrambling is possible whereas wide scope of negation is not) is best captured by assuming that it qualies as a CP with a C head that has more strength than the C of a preverbal restructuring innitive embedded under a control verb, but less strength than the C of a non-restructuring innitive (or a nite clause). is presupposes an approach to syntax in which a number of dierent strength assignments to a given type of category (like C) can be postulated, and can have a direct eect on the (non-) application of syntactic operations. I will show that a version of minimalist syntax incorporating the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001, 2013) that is embedded in a Gradient Harmonic Grammar approach (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016) can account for the variable strength of C in a principled way.