边缘化和包容

Paul Watt
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摘要

本章利用社会租户的住房历史和就业经历来评估参考阶级,种族和性别的城市边缘化。自20世纪70年代以来,西方城市的社会住房一直以贫困、剥夺和耻辱为特征。伦敦的公共/社会住房越来越多地容纳了贫困和社会边缘化群体,包括穷人、失业者、病人和残疾人、单亲家庭、少数民族群体和无家可归者(Hamnett)。这一过程被概念化为居住化、社会排斥和社会-任期两极分化。这些概念框架从三个方面进行了批判。首先,他们没有强调租户参与劳动力市场的动态、空间和包容性方面;女性居民通常在当地劳动力市场工作,这种就业有助于工人阶级的生存和归属(第6章)。其次,庄园已经变得更加社会和种族多样化和包容性空间(Sassen)。第三,就租住权偏好而言,理事会/社会住房受到重视,因为与私人租赁部门(PRS)不同,它以可控的租金提供保障。与关于社会租赁的残区化论点相反,PRS一直是伦敦工人阶级的最后手段。最后一部分着重于无家可归者和社会租房之间不断变化的关系。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Marginalisation and inclusion
This chapter draws upon social tenants’ housing histories and employment experiences to assess urban marginalisation with reference to class, race and gender. Since the 1970s, social housing estates in Western cities have been characterised by poverty, deprivation and stigmatisation. London’s public/social housing has increasingly accommodated deprived and socially marginalised groups including the poor, unemployed, sick and disabled, lone-parent families, ethnic minority groups, and the homeless (Hamnett). This process has been conceptualised as residualisation, social exclusion, and socio-tenurial polarisation. These conceptual frameworks are critiqued along three dimensions. First, they have under-emphasised the dynamic, spatial and inclusionary aspects of tenants’ labour market engagement; female residents often work in the local labour market, and such employment contributes towards working-class getting by and place belonging (Chapter 6). Second, estates have become more socially and ethnically diverse and inclusionary spaces (Sassen). Third, in terms of tenure preferences, council/social housing is valued because, unlike the private rental sector (PRS), it provides security at manageable rents. Contrary to the residualisation thesis regarding social renting, it’s the PRS which has consistently been the tenure of last resort for working-class Londoners. The final section focusses on the shifting relationship between homelessness and social renting.
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