西伯利亚语言中的备选和备选:朝向语言方向的类型学

O. Volkov, I. Stenin
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摘要

本文讨论了西伯利亚和俄罗斯远东地区语言中“为了P而去”和“为了P而来”的言语标记。特别注意森林涅涅茨语和一些通古斯语。在《森林涅涅茨》中,首次发现了选择性对立和选择性对立(分别表达了从指示中心向指示中心的运动)。在《森林涅涅茨》中,这些标记是非隐含的,也就是说,为了使用它们,目标情境P不需要在现实世界中发生(即使他们在带有过去参考的指示句中标记了几个动词),只需要运动情境。虽然大多数通古斯语也有不止一个方向目的标记,但这些标记通常表现出一种不同类型的对立,即“去P”和“去P然后回来”之间的对立。前一种标记不是指示性的,而后一种标记不同于典型的和选择性的标记,因为它们的意义有一种指称成分(“回到起始点”)。作为类型学背景,本文还简要地考虑了其他地区一些语言的数据。具有相似但不完全相同意义的语素,经跨语言证实,通常被描述为相关动作或动作加目的类别的标记。后一项最适合所讨论的西伯利亚语言标记,因为与前一项相比,它既强调了运动情境参与者的句法作用(其中他/她与目标情境的s/ a参与者是一致的),也强调了情境的时间序列。文章还对动作和目的标记的可能语法化路径提出了一些看法,并初步列出了与之相关的类型学参数
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Andative and ventive in the languages of Siberia: towards a typology of verbal orientation
The paper discusses verbal markers meaning ‘go in order to P’ and ‘come in order to P’ in languages of Siberia and the Russian Far East. Special attention is paid to Forest Nenets and some Tungusic languages. Andative vs. ventive opposition (expressing, respectively, motion from and to the deictic center) is identifi ed in Forest Nenets for the fi rst time. In Forest Nenets, these markers are non-implicative, i. e., in order to use them, the goal situation P does not need to have taken place in the actual world (even where they mark fi nite verbs in indicative sentences with past reference), only the motion situation. Though most Tungusic languages also have more than one directional-purposive marker, these usually show a different type of an opposition, namely that between ‘go in order to P’ and ‘go in order to P and come back’. The former markers are not deictically oriented, while the latter differ from typical andative markers in that their meaning has a reditive component (‘returning to the initial point’). As a typological background, the paper also briefl y considers data of some languages spoken in other areals. Morphemes with similar, but often not entirely identical meanings, attested cross-linguistically, are usually described as markers of associated motion or motion-cum-purpose categories. The latter term suits the discussed Siberian-language markers best, because, in contrast to the former term, it highlights both the syntactic role of the motion situation participant (where s/he is coreferent with the S/A-participant of the goal situation) and the temporal sequence of the situations. The article also proposes some observations on the possible grammaticalization paths of motion-cum-purpose markers and provides a tentative list of typological parameters which can be relevant for
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