米雷西Velázquez,波多黎各人芝加哥:教育城市,1940-1977

Marlena Ceballos, Erica R. Dávila
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引用次数: 1

摘要

秘鲁社会学家Aníbal Quijano创造了“权力的殖民性”一词来描述殖民形式的统治在后殖民国家和大都市中继续存在的方式。虽然他的理论是在拉丁美洲的背景下发展起来的,但这个框架也为分析种族化的不平等提供了一个有用的视角,因为它在美国表现出来,特别是在一个非殖民化教育任务变得新的突出的时代。虽然美国人通常不愿承认,但美国过去是、现在也是一个帝国。米雷西Velázquez的《波多黎各人的芝加哥:1940-1977年的城市教育》提醒我们这一事实,他认为波多黎各儿童在该大陆接受的教育形式是1898年在加勒比开始的殖民政策的延续。那一年,在美西战争之后,美国控制了这个岛屿(更准确地说,是这个群岛),并开始向居民强制推行英语和美国化课程。然而,Velázquez断言,“殖民”,“包括被压迫性权力的意志征服的经历,并没有在移民离开被殖民的土地并到达殖民者的领土时结束”(第2页)。这些逻辑和实践经常转移到野兽的腹部,包括它的教室。Velázquez的重要专著详细描述了这些动态和“学校和学校教育在[波多黎各]侨民生活中的中心地位”(第4页),作为压迫和解放的源泉。尽管与其他移民不同,波多黎各人是带着美国公民身份来到这座风城的,但这种身份“并不总是能带来代理、获取资源或更好的生活方式的好处”(第5页)。对一些城市官员来说,他们仍然被视为可驱逐出境的“永久外国人”。正如Velázquez所言,波多黎各人因此求助于教育机构,以建立自己的社群、要求空间,并维护自己的权利,因为他们的种族、语言和殖民身份将他们标记为二等公民,与他们的黑人和墨西哥裔邻居相似,但又截然不同。波多黎各裔芝加哥按照时间顺序发展,从20世纪40年代早期的移民开始,到1977年波多黎各日游行期间爆发的与警察的冲突结束。引言部分提供了一个有用的概述
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Mirelsie Velázquez, Puerto Rican Chicago: Schooling the City, 1940-1977
Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano coined the term “coloniality of power” to describe the way colonial forms of domination live on in postcolonial nations and metropoles. While his theory grew from the Latin American context, this framework also offers a useful lens for analyzing racialized inequality as it manifests in the United States, particularly in an age when the task of decolonizing education has assumed new prominence. While Americans don’t often like to admit it, the US was and is an empire. Mirelsie Velázquez’s Puerto Rican Chicago: Schooling the City, 1940–1977 reminds us of this fact, arguing that the form of schooling that Puerto Rican children recieved on the continent served as a continuation of colonial policies that began in the Caribbean in 1898. That was the year the United States assumed control of the island (more precisely, the archipelago) following the Spanish-American War and began imposing an English-language and Americanization curriculum on residents. Yet “coloniality,” Velázquez asserts, “including the experience of being subjugated to the will of an oppressive power—does not end when immigrants leave the colonized land and arrive in the colonizers’ territory” (p. 2). Those logics and practices often transfer to the belly of the beast, including its classrooms. Velázquez’s important monograph offers a detailed account of these dynamics and “the centrality of schools and schooling in the life of the [Puerto Rican] diaspora” (p. 4), as a source of both oppression and liberation. Although Puerto Ricans, unlike other immigrants, arrived in the Windy City with US citizenship, that status did “not always offer the benefits of agency, access to resources, or a better way of life” (p. 5). To some city officials they were still seen as deportable and “perpetual foreigners.” As Velázquez argues, Puerto Ricans consequently turned to educational institutions to build their community, claim space, and assert their rights in a place where their racial, linguistic, and colonial identities marked them as second-class citizens, similar to and yet distinct from their Black and Mexican American neighbors. Puerto Rican Chicago follows a chronological path, beginning with the early years of migration in the 1940s and ending in 1977, when a confrontation with the police erupted at the Puerto Rican Day Parade. The introduction provides a helpful overview
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