不同类型关系分句的不同合并位置

G. Cinque
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引用次数: 3

摘要

一个经常出现的隐含的假设是,不同类型的关系从句(非限制性从句、限制性从句、数量从句、类限定从句、不定式从句和约分词从句)在同一种语言中被合并在同一个位置上。在这里,将提出证据表明,它们的合并实际上处于名义扩展投影的不同高度。1. 正如Cinque(2008)所指出的,尽管在LCA扩展到语篇语法的过程中,头部和非限制性从句之间存在不对称的c-command关系,但非限制性从句(RC)位于包含词头的句子的“外部”,处于一个不受句子语法关系(Agree、Binding等)渗透的结构中。正如预期的那样,考虑到非整合非限制词的较高合并,在首字母开头的语言中,如(1)中的意大利语,它们都是后名的,非整合非限制词必然跟随整合词。以同情和钦佩之情倾听。我要感谢一位匿名评论者和Ken Ramshøj Christensen对本文前一版本的评论。Ken Ramshøj Christensen, Henrik Jørgensen和Johanna L. Wood(编)。2019. 纪念斯滕·维克纳的V字标志。奥胡斯大学传播与文化学院英语系,第131-147页,doi:10.7146/aul.348.93。©作者。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The different Merge positions of the different types of relative clauses
A frequent, implicit, assumption is that the different types of relative clauses (nonrestrictive, restrictive, amount, kind-defi ning, infi nitival and reduced participial relatives) are in one and the same language merged in one and the same position. Here, evidence will be presented that their merger is actually at different heights of the nominal extended projection. 1. The merge positions of non-integrated and integrated nonrestrictives As noted in Cinque (2008), non-integrated nonrestrictive relative clauses (RCs) are ‘outside’ of the sentence containing the head, in a structure which is impermeable to sentence grammar relations (Agree, Binding, etc.) despite the asymmetric c-command relation existing between the head and the RC under the extension of the LCA to Discourse Grammar. As expected, given the higher merger of non-integrated nonrestrictives, in head-initial languages such as Italian in (1) where they are both postnominal, non-integrated nonrestrictive RCs necessarily follow integrated ones. 1 To Sten with sympathy and admiration. I wish to thank an anonymous reviewer and Ken Ramshøj Christensen for their comments on a previous version of this article. Ken Ramshøj Christensen, Henrik Jørgensen & Johanna L. Wood (eds.). 2019. The Sign of the V – Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner. Dept. of English, School of Communication & Culture, Aarhus University, pp. 131–147, doi:10.7146/aul.348.93. © The author(s).
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