曾祖父jayakody的孩子们:斯里兰卡的地方历史和国家政治

D. Winslow
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引用次数: 3

摘要

“对于信教的人来说,空间不是同质的;他经历了打断,被打断;空间的某些部分在质量上与其他部分不同”(Eliade 1959:22)。对于今天的南亚国家斯里兰卡,人们可能会说,“对于政治人物来说,空间不可能是同质的;他必须制造中断,打破它;空间的某些部分必须与其他部分有质的区别。”最近的斯里兰卡政治可以被称为空间政治,这是一场持续不断的冲突,以控制领土为幌子争夺各种资源的使用权。自20世纪50年代以来,斯里兰卡主要由僧伽罗佛教徒统治,有时以牺牲泰米尔少数民族为代价。特别是在1983年,泰米尔人袭击了僧伽罗人的军事设施,在首都科伦坡引发了广泛的反泰米尔暴乱、抢劫和暴力事件。此后,斯里兰卡政府和寻求独立泰米尔国家的泰米尔叛乱分子之间展开了旷日持久的斗争在这场斗争中,政治权力、经济机会和社会地位与地理位置和对领土的控制联系在一起。就连历史也被神话化,使之符合现实,过去被重新塑造,以支持当前的目标。考古学家、碑文学家和历史学家可能会描述几个世纪以来,在中东、印度和这个距离印度南端仅18英里的小岛之间,民族、文化、宗教和语言的不断流动丰富多彩,但公众并不同意。相反,历史是一个故事,通过他们的祖先昨天住在哪里来证明今天的人是谁。在这个故事中,为了适应当前的争议性,没有容易的混合,而是将时间和领土分开。僧伽罗佛教对这种政治化叙述的演绎被称为Mahavamsa版本(Seneviratne 1989),因为主要的历史文本声称是它的来源。在这个故事中,僧伽罗人是一个被选中的民族,他们的祖先大约在公元前250年到达斯里兰卡。他们由维贾亚王子(Prince Vijaya)领导,维贾亚王子因为年轻时的罪行而被驱逐出他父亲位于印度北部的王国。维查扬人应该战胜了野蛮的土著,确保了整个岛屿的佛教和文明。同一文本中后来的英雄们击退了来自南印度的异教徒的入侵,以保持佛教的优势地位。这个英勇的佛教传奇为僧伽罗人对全岛霸权的主张提供了情感支持,并支撑了伴随当代斯里兰卡政治的国家佛教的蓬勃发展。与之相对的是泰米尔人对这个岛屿过去的看法,他们采用了许多相同的元素,但价值不同,因此南印度提供了当代文化的源泉,而不是威胁。古老的地方
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Great grandfather jayakody's children: local history and national politics in Sri Lanka
"For religious man, space is not homogeneous; he experiences interruptions, breaks in it; some parts of space are qualitatively different from others" (Eliade 1959:22). Of the South Asian nation of Sri Lanka today, one might say, "For political man, space cannot be homogeneous; he must create interruptions, breaks in it; some parts of space must be made qualitatively different from others." Much of recent Sri Lankan politics might be labeled spatial politics, an ongoing conflict in which access to resources of many types is contested in the guise of control over territory. Since the 1950s, Sri Lanka has been governed primarily by the Sinhalese Buddhist majority, sometimes at the expense of the Tamil minority. Especially after 1983, when a Tamil attack on a Sinhalese military installation provoked widespread anti-Tamil rioting, looting, and violence in the capital, Colombo, there has been a protracted struggle between the Sri Lankan government and Tamil insurgents who seek a separate Tamil state.1 In this struggle, political power, economic opportunity, and social status have come to be associated with location and control of territory. Even history has been mythologized to conform, the past refashioned to subvent present goals. Archaeologists, epigraphists, and historians might describe centuries richly embroidered by the continual movements of peoples, cultures, religions, and languages between the Middle East, India, and this small island just eighteen miles off India's southern tip, but the public does not agree. Instead, history is a tale about proving who people are today by where their ancestors lived yesterday. In this story, as befits the contentiousness of the present, there is no easy intermingling, but instead a parceling out of time and territory together. The Sinhalese Buddhist rendition of this politicized account has been called the Mahavamsa version (Seneviratne 1989), after the major historiographic text claimed to be its source. In this story, the Sinhalese are a chosen people whose ancestors arrived in Sri Lanka around 250 B.C. They were led by Prince Vijaya who had been banished from his father's kingdom in northern India for youthful misdeeds. The Vijayans are supposed to have overcome savage aboriginals to secure the island in its entirety for Buddhism and civilization for all time. Later heroes in the same text fought off incursions of infidels from southern India to preserve Buddhist ascendancy. This heroic Buddhist saga provides emotional support to Sinhalese claims to island-wide hegemony and underpins the burgeoning pageantry of state Buddhism that accompanies contemporary Sri Lankan politics (Nissan 1988). Opposed to it is a Tamil vision of the island's past, one that employs many of the same elements but values them differently, so that South India provides sources of, rather than threats to, contemporary culture. Ancient place
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