西班牙Transfetana:在La llamada del almuedano和接缝之间的时间中书写保护国和祖国

Mahan L. Ellison
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摘要

从20世纪50年代开始,西班牙非洲帝国开始慢慢瓦解。西班牙和法国承认摩洛哥独立,并于1956年归还其保护国(不包括休达、梅利利亚和伊夫尼飞地);赤道几内亚于1968年获得独立;1969年,伊夫尼被归还给摩洛哥,1975年,西班牙从西属撒哈拉撤出。在西班牙内战和放弃殖民地之间的几十年里,有大量的移民从西班牙到非洲。西班牙撒哈拉地区的人口普查显示,1950年,该殖民地有1320名欧洲人;到1974年,这一数字上升到20126。在赤道几内亚,欧洲人口从1950年的3 937人增加到1966年的9 137人。西班牙的保护国摩洛哥拥有最多的欧洲人口;1935年至1955年期间,外籍人口翻了一番,从44 379人增至90 939人(Gozálvez psamez)。从19世纪末开始,随着美洲殖民地的丧失,西班牙重新关注非洲带来了近75年与西班牙非洲领土的密切互动和殖民化。早在20世纪狂热的移民之前,早在公元711年摩尔人入侵之前,西班牙就已经通过与非洲的关系来定义自己,也反对与非洲的关系。近八个世纪以来,西班牙半岛上的便利设施给乡村留下了不朽的建筑遗产,也给西班牙人的集体记忆留下了深刻的精神印象。事实上,Isabel la Católica并不满足于结束在格拉纳达的收复运动,而是希望她的继任者能在海峡对岸继续“la conquista de África”(28)。1860年,安东尼奥·卡诺瓦斯·德尔卡斯蒂略援引罗马的遗产,断言“[e]n el Atlas est nuestra frontera natural, que no en el canal estrecho que junta al Mediterráneo con el Atlántico;1884年,josise de Carvajal y hu表示“[m]írandonos en Africa percibimos nuestra imagen como en clarísimo espejo”(119)。因此,西班牙向北非的扩张不仅仅是为了与其他欧洲列强竞争;Heriberto Cairo解释说
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
España Transfetana: Writing the Protectorate and the Patria in La llamada del Almuédano and El tiempo entre costuras
Beginning in the 1950s, the Spanish African Empire slowly began to dismantle. Spain and France recognized Moroccan independence and returned their protectorates in 1956 (minus the enclaves of Ceuta, Melilla, and Ifni); Equatorial Guinea was granted independence in 1968; Ifni was returned to Morocco in 1969, and Spain withdrew from the Spanish Sahara in 1975. In the few decades between the Spanish Civil War and the relinquishment of the colonies, there was significant migration from Spain to Africa. A census of the Spanish Sahara shows that in 1950 there were 1,320 Europeans in the colony; by 1974 that number had risen to 20,126. In Equatorial Guinea the European population grew from 3,937 in 1950 to 9,137 in 1966. The Spanish Protectorate of Morocco experienced the highest European population; between 1935 and 1955 the expatriate population doubled from 44,379 to 90,939 (Gozálvez Pérez). From the very end of the nineteenth century, with the loss of the American colonies, Spain’s renewed focus on Africa brought about almost seventy-five years of intense interaction with and colonization of the Spanish African territories. Long before the frenetic immigration of the twentieth century, from as far back as the Moorish invasion in 711 ACE, Spain has defined itself both through and against its relationship with Africa. The almost eight centuries of convivencia2 on the Peninsula left enduring architectural legacies on the countryside and psychic impressions on Spanish collective memory. Indeed, Isabel la Católica was not content with ending the Reconquista in Granada, but hoped that her successors would continue “la conquista de África” across the Strait (28). In 1860, Antonio Canovas del Castillo, invoking the Roman legacy, affirmed that “[e]n el Atlas está nuestra frontera natural, que no en el canal estrecho que junta al Mediterráneo con el Atlántico; es lección de la antigua Romana” (77), and in 1884, José de Carvajal y Hué expressed that “[m]írandonos en Africa percibimos nuestra imagen como en clarísimo espejo” (119). Spain’s expansion into North Africa, therefore, was not simply a colonizing move to compete with other European powers; Heriberto Cairo explains that
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