2019冠状病毒病后的暴力冲突与“早期预警和风险分析”:一个分析框架

Dr. Maria Saifuddin Effendi
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摘要

2019冠状病毒病加剧了克什米尔、叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和阿富汗的暴力。歧视性政策导致的直接和结构性暴力增加了非洲、中东和南亚发生人道主义危机的风险。这方面的一些例子包括:封锁印控克什米尔和巴勒斯坦的通讯、以色列向巴勒斯坦供应过期的新冠病毒疫苗,以及未向孟加拉国的巴鲁卡里罗兴亚难民营提供疫苗接种。在2019冠状病毒病期间,除了暴力之外,这些社区还因卫生保健设施不足而遭受苦难。考虑到国际社会为发展早期预警和风险分析作出了大量投资;例如敌对国家之间的热线通信),以评估与核国家有关的“传统军事威胁”。本研究的重点是制定定制化的EWRA,帮助各国在2019冠状病毒病期间预防暴力冲突的脆弱性。它认为,EWRA只有助于防止暴力冲突,而不是旨在为冲突提供解决方案。本文以2019冠状病毒病如何加剧了这些地区的直接和结构性暴力为基础,对暴力冲突采取了一般性方法。本研究采用定性探索的方法,对文献有独特的贡献。首先,它是对冲突预防文献的原创贡献,因为它没有提出应对2019冠状病毒病和暴力冲突双重威胁的EWRA。其次,它发展了关于从地缘政治/地缘经济(后9-11时代)到后covid -19时期地缘人文主义范式转变的讨论。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Violent Conflicts and ‘Early Warning and Risk Analysis’ in Post Covid-19: An Analytical Framework
Covid-19 has exacerbated violence in Kashmir, Syria, Palestine, and Afghanistan. Direct and structural violence, through discriminatory policies, has increased the risk of the humanitarian crisis in Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. A few examples of this include the communication blockade in the Indian occupied Kashmir [IOK] and Palestine, supply of expired Covid vaccines to Palestine by Israel, and no provision of vaccination for the Balukhali Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh. During Covid-19, these communities have also been suffering due to insufficient health care facilities besides violence. Considering that the international community invests substantially to develop Early Warning and Risk Analysis (EWRA; such as hotline communication between rival states) to gauge the 'traditional military threats' related to the nuclear states. This study focuses on developing a customized EWRA that can help countries prevent the vulnerabilities of violent conflicts during Covid-19. It argues that EWRA only helps prevent a violent conflict but does not aim to provide solutions to the conflicts. The article takes a generic approach to violent conflicts, building on how Covid-19 has increased direct and structural violence in those areas. The study, with a qualitative exploratory approach, offers unique contribution to the literature. First, it is an original contribution to the literature on conflict prevention as no EWRA is suggested to deal with the combined threats of Covid-19 and violent conflicts. Second, it evolves a discussion on paradigm shifts from geo-politics/geo-economics (during post 9-11 era) to geo-humanism in the postCovid-19 period.
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