利比亚的部落因素:卡扎菲时代后的蜕变(2011-2020)

Y. Zinin
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引用次数: 0

摘要

2011年10月,卡扎菲在北约(NATO)的协助下被推翻,导致国家权力和机构的纵向崩溃,并使利比亚陷入了一场深刻的系统性危机。本文考察了部落因素在利比亚当前事件中的特点和作用,利比亚是一个有着严重分裂、多元社会(DDS)的国家。它的特点是部落、地区、种族和民族宗教的多样性。90%的人口有部落血统,部落数量超过140个。这种多样性在事件的进程中留下了印记,影响了权力的争夺。作者总结了近几十年来社会中部落部分发生的变化。不同部落的成员涌入城市导致了他们的分裂,减少了他们以前的结构。亲属关系、团结精神和部落成员的传统行为都在不同程度上受到侵蚀。然而,部落或属的影响仍然是必不可少的,因为它们扮演着纽带社会的角色。作者认为,在2014年双重权力出现之后,这一点尤为明显。控制局势的两极——的黎波里和托布鲁克正试图把这张牌打得对自己有利。另一方面,政权垮台造成的安全真空自发地填补了包括地区部落团体在内的各种力量。这位学者追踪了不同的部落委员会和其他实体如何在这里和那里承担维持恢复力和秩序、结束内讧、归还人质等功能。在这样做的时候,他们经常转向传统的通常的权利- Urf。作者同意许多利比亚学者和其他外国研究人员的观点,即现在利比亚有一些迹象表明部落身份正在滋生。与此同时,这一进程是多向的,就像在利比亚这样一个社会严重分裂的国家,部落既可以参与冲突,也可以为其和平结局作出贡献。研究人员提请注意这样一个事实,即部落主义和伊斯兰主义者之间的关系相当矛盾。后者认为“伊斯兰教是所有问题的解决之道”。但他们在2011年10月之后进入利比亚政治舞台,并没有阻止这个国家事实上的崩溃和宗派对峙的加剧。根据作者的观点,这将社会分裂,并落入某些政治力量的手中。在这种氛围下,部落的两极分化和社会的普遍异化面临着增长的危险。作者分析了在一个人口整合为一个单一国家的过程尚未完成的国家中部落和民族身份之间的关系。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Tribal Factor in Libya: Metamorphoses after Qaddafi Epoch (2011-2020)
The overthrow of M. Gaddafi with the assistance of NATO in October 2011 led to the collapse of the vertical of power and institutions of the state and sentenced Libya to a deep systemic crisis. The article examines the peculiarities and role of the tribal factor in the current events in Libya, a country with deeply divided, multi-composite societies (DDS). It is characterized by tribal, regional, racial and ethnoreligious diversity. With 90% of its population having tribal roots, the number of tribes passes 140. This diversity has left its mark on the course of events, affected the struggle for power. The author sums up the shifts that have taken place in the tribal segment of society in recent decades. The rush of members of different tribes to the city led to their fragmentation, diminution of their former structure. The bonds of kinship, the spirit of solidarity, the traditional behaviour of the tribesmen have been to different extents eroded. However, the influence of a tribe or genus that play the role of a bonding society remains essential. This was especially evident after the advent of dual power in 2014, the author assumes. The two poles of domination – Tripoli and Tobruk are trying to play this card to their advantage. On the other hand, the security vacuum caused by the fall of the regime spontaneously filled forces, including regional tribal groups. The scholar tracks how various tribal councils and other entities here and there take on the functions of maintaining resilience and order, ending infighting, returning hostages, etc. In doing so, they often turn to the traditional usual right – Urf. The author agrees with a number of Libyan scholars and other foreign researchers that there are now some signs of a breeding tribal identity in Libya. At the same time, this process is multi–directional, as in Libya, a country with a deeply divided society, tribes can both engage in conflicts and contribute to their peaceful denouement. The researcher draws attention to the fact that the relationship between tribalism and Islamists is rather contradictory. The latter use to argue that “Islam is the solution to all problems.” But their entry into the arena of politics in Libya after October 2011 did not prevent the de facto collapse of the country and the growth of sectarian standoff. And that according to the author divides society and plays into the hands of certain political forces. In this atmosphere, tribal polarization and the general alienation of society are at risk of growth. The author analyzes the relations between tribal and national identities in a country where the process of consolidation of the population into a single nation has not yet been completed.
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