{"title":"卢卡亚语境下的殖民遭遇","authors":"P. Gnivecki, Mary Jane Berman","doi":"10.1163/9789004273689_003","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Consumption patterns are informed by context, so, when studying indigenous consumption of European items, it is necessary to consider how colonial contexts varied (Dietler 1998; Lightfoot and Simmons 1998; Oland 2014, 646). Much of what has been written about the indigenous consumption of European artifacts during the early period of Spanish colonialism of the Caribbean has focused on the patterns observed at colonial settler sites such as La Isabela (Deagan 1988; Deagan and Cruxent 2000a,b), Puerto Real (Deagan 1995), and Concepción de la Vega (Ortega and Fondeur 1978) on Hispaniola or encomienda sites such as El Chorro de Maíta on Cuba (Valcárcel Rojas 2016). At these sites, the indigenous occupants and the Spanish lived and worked in close proximity under colonial scrutiny in mines, workshops, fields, and households (Kulstad-González 2015; Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013). Indigenous sites located on the geographic and political frontiers of colonial settlements also offer insights about local consumption of European goods during the early period of Spanish colonization. These communities were not subject to the same level of regulation as those in the colonial centers and their autonomy offered different opportunities for indigenous agency (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Oland 2014). In some cases, local peoples did not have direct contact with the Spanish, but acquired European objects by way of down-theline trade. Such was the case of El Cabo, an indigenous site in southeastern Dominican Republic, which did not experience direct colonial control during the early years of colonization of Hispaniola (Hofman et al. 2014; Samson 2010; Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013). The Bahama archipelago, home to the Lucayans, the indigenous occupants of these islands, offers another opportunity to view native consumption of European goods during the early period of Spanish colonization. The Spanish regarded the Bahama Islands as useless, referring to them as islas inútiles (Anderson-Córdova 2017, 131) and did not establish settler communities or institute the encomienda system here as they did elsewhere in the Antilles. With the decimation of many of its indigenous inhabitants and the formal establishment of the encomienda system on Hispaniola in 1503, the Spanish","PeriodicalId":293206,"journal":{"name":"Material Encounters and Indigenous Transformations in the Early Colonial Americas","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"4","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Colonial Encounters in Lucayan Contexts\",\"authors\":\"P. Gnivecki, Mary Jane Berman\",\"doi\":\"10.1163/9789004273689_003\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Consumption patterns are informed by context, so, when studying indigenous consumption of European items, it is necessary to consider how colonial contexts varied (Dietler 1998; Lightfoot and Simmons 1998; Oland 2014, 646). Much of what has been written about the indigenous consumption of European artifacts during the early period of Spanish colonialism of the Caribbean has focused on the patterns observed at colonial settler sites such as La Isabela (Deagan 1988; Deagan and Cruxent 2000a,b), Puerto Real (Deagan 1995), and Concepción de la Vega (Ortega and Fondeur 1978) on Hispaniola or encomienda sites such as El Chorro de Maíta on Cuba (Valcárcel Rojas 2016). At these sites, the indigenous occupants and the Spanish lived and worked in close proximity under colonial scrutiny in mines, workshops, fields, and households (Kulstad-González 2015; Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013). Indigenous sites located on the geographic and political frontiers of colonial settlements also offer insights about local consumption of European goods during the early period of Spanish colonization. These communities were not subject to the same level of regulation as those in the colonial centers and their autonomy offered different opportunities for indigenous agency (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Oland 2014). In some cases, local peoples did not have direct contact with the Spanish, but acquired European objects by way of down-theline trade. Such was the case of El Cabo, an indigenous site in southeastern Dominican Republic, which did not experience direct colonial control during the early years of colonization of Hispaniola (Hofman et al. 2014; Samson 2010; Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013). The Bahama archipelago, home to the Lucayans, the indigenous occupants of these islands, offers another opportunity to view native consumption of European goods during the early period of Spanish colonization. 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引用次数: 4
摘要
消费模式受环境影响,因此,在研究欧洲商品的本土消费时,有必要考虑殖民地环境的变化(Dietler 1998;Lightfoot and Simmons 1998;Oland 2014, 646)。在加勒比地区西班牙殖民主义早期,关于土著居民消费欧洲文物的著述大多集中于在殖民定居者遗址观察到的模式,如La Isabela (Deagan 1988;Deagan和Cruxent 2000a,b), Puerto Real (Deagan 1995),以及伊斯帕尼奥拉岛的Concepción de la Vega (Ortega和Fondeur 1978)或古巴的El Chorro de Maíta (Valcárcel Rojas 2016)等推荐站点。在这些遗址中,土著居民和西班牙人在矿山、车间、田地和家庭中生活和工作,在殖民地的监督下近距离生活和工作(Kulstad-González 2015;Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013)。位于殖民地地理和政治边界的土著遗址也提供了关于西班牙殖民早期当地消费欧洲商品的见解。这些社区不像殖民中心那样受到同等程度的管制,它们的自治为土著机构提供了不同的机会(Lightfoot和Martinez, 1995;厄兰岛2014)。在某些情况下,当地人民没有与西班牙人直接接触,而是通过下游贸易获得了欧洲物品。多米尼加共和国东南部的土著遗址El Cabo就是这样一个例子,在伊斯帕尼奥拉岛殖民的早期,它没有受到直接的殖民控制(Hofman et al. 2014;参孙2010;Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013)。巴哈马群岛是卢卡亚人的家园,这些岛屿的土著居民,提供了另一个机会来观察西班牙殖民早期当地人对欧洲商品的消费。西班牙人认为巴哈马群岛是无用的,将其称为islas inútiles (Anderson-Córdova 2017, 131),并且没有像在安的列斯群岛其他地方那样在这里建立定居者社区或建立鼓励制度。随着1503年伊斯帕尼奥拉岛上大量的土著居民被屠杀,以及正式建立的鼓励制度,西班牙人
Consumption patterns are informed by context, so, when studying indigenous consumption of European items, it is necessary to consider how colonial contexts varied (Dietler 1998; Lightfoot and Simmons 1998; Oland 2014, 646). Much of what has been written about the indigenous consumption of European artifacts during the early period of Spanish colonialism of the Caribbean has focused on the patterns observed at colonial settler sites such as La Isabela (Deagan 1988; Deagan and Cruxent 2000a,b), Puerto Real (Deagan 1995), and Concepción de la Vega (Ortega and Fondeur 1978) on Hispaniola or encomienda sites such as El Chorro de Maíta on Cuba (Valcárcel Rojas 2016). At these sites, the indigenous occupants and the Spanish lived and worked in close proximity under colonial scrutiny in mines, workshops, fields, and households (Kulstad-González 2015; Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013). Indigenous sites located on the geographic and political frontiers of colonial settlements also offer insights about local consumption of European goods during the early period of Spanish colonization. These communities were not subject to the same level of regulation as those in the colonial centers and their autonomy offered different opportunities for indigenous agency (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Oland 2014). In some cases, local peoples did not have direct contact with the Spanish, but acquired European objects by way of down-theline trade. Such was the case of El Cabo, an indigenous site in southeastern Dominican Republic, which did not experience direct colonial control during the early years of colonization of Hispaniola (Hofman et al. 2014; Samson 2010; Valcárcel Rojas et al. 2013). The Bahama archipelago, home to the Lucayans, the indigenous occupants of these islands, offers another opportunity to view native consumption of European goods during the early period of Spanish colonization. The Spanish regarded the Bahama Islands as useless, referring to them as islas inútiles (Anderson-Córdova 2017, 131) and did not establish settler communities or institute the encomienda system here as they did elsewhere in the Antilles. With the decimation of many of its indigenous inhabitants and the formal establishment of the encomienda system on Hispaniola in 1503, the Spanish