政治市场与消费公民:将微观经济学应用于国家主权

Octavian-Dragomir Jora, Matei-Alexandru Apăvăloaei, Mihaela Iacob
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在政治领域,公民(作为公共产品和服务的消费者)的繁荣或福利(取决于讲述者的(视频)逻辑偏见)应该源于慷慨允许的个人自由程度,或源于严格的中央计划的社会安全水平(或源于某种最佳的“权衡”,或源于两者特征的某种“黄金比例”混合)。值得注意的是,尽管“自由”路线的倡导者依赖于常识、自然法的定义、捍卫和处置私有财产权,但“安全”戒律的信徒将它们等同于关于收入和积累的平等主义的再分配正义,或者等同于对地位和财富的保守管理。不管主流观点如何,至少在古典经济学家看来,提供这种自由/安全的政治秩序是在向一个主权国家(可能是某个天命之王,也可能是人民的世俗意志)致敬,这一事实是可疑的。他们有理由提出这样的问题:如何才能激励这些垄断主权国家降低成本,更关心作为消费者的公民。本文旨在将基本(微观)经济判断应用于约束主权/国家的问题,实际上是它们的政治代理人/管理者,以提供真正需要的公共产品:即从物质/物理基础设施到象征性/制度基础设施。然而,新古典主义框架将被适当地暴露为相当不适合这项工作。相反,我们将求助于关于企业家精神和竞争的行为学见解(古典血统,与经济学中的主观主义和边际主义革命一起彻底修改)。一方面,我们将讨论国内政治企业家(最终联合成政党)之间的政治内部竞争过程,并观察其运作的局限性。另一方面,我们将评估政治间(国际)竞争的机制,它们所采取的体现(分裂,移民),以及它们所引发的所有历史禁忌。其论点是,政体间的竞争比政体内的竞争对公民/消费者更友好,因为它不仅关乎控制现状,而且关乎挑战现状。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
THE MARKET FOR POLITIES AND THE CONSUMER CITIZEN:Applying Microeconomics to National Sovereignties
Within polities, the prosperity or welfare of citizens (as consumers of public goods and services) is supposed to stem, depending on the (ideo)logical bias of the narrator, either from generously allowed degrees of individual liberty or from tightly centrally-planned levels of societal security (or from some optimum “trade-off”, or from some “golden-ratio” mixture of the two features). Further colouring this picture, it is noteworthy that while the advocates of the “freedom” route rely on common-sense, natural-law definition, defence, and disposition of private property rights, the apostles of “safety” commandments equate them with egalitarian redistributive justice with respect to earnings and accumulations or with conservative management of statuses and fortunes. Irrespective of the dominant view, the fact that the political order delivering such liberty/security pays tribute to a sovereign (be it some heavenly-anointed king or the earthly will of the people) looks fishy at least for classical economists. They rightly ask how such monopoly-sovereigns could be incentivized to be less costly and more caring relative to the citizens-as-consumers. This paper aims to apply basic (micro)economic judgments to the problem of disciplining sovereignties/states, in fact their political agents/administrators, in delivering the truly needed public goods: i.e., from the material/physical infrastructure to the symbolic/institutional one. However, the neoclassical framework will be duly exposed as rather inappropriate for the job. Instead, we will appeal to the praxeological insights (of classical pedigree, thoroughly revamped along with the subjectivist and marginalist revolutions in economics) on entrepreneurship and competition. On the one hand, we will address the process of intra-polity competition, among domestic political entrepreneurs (eventually united in political parties) and observe the limits of its working. On the other hand, we will assess the mechanisms of inter-polities (international) competition, the embodiments they take (secession, migration), with all the historical taboos they do embitter. The thesis is that inter-polities competition is more citizen-/consumer-friendly than the intra-polity one, since it is not merely about controlling a status quo, but about challenging it.
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