核威慑的不对称模型

A. Fenenko
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文探讨了不对称核威慑模型的概念。核关系不对称问题是核威慑理论中最具成果的问题之一。所谓不对称,我们指的是威慑主体之间军事力量的悬殊,即较弱的主体威慑较强的主体。所有正式的核国家都尝试过这种政策的组成部分,法国和中国更充分地行使了这种政策的能力。在两极时期,核威慑相对简单。这两个超级大国试图以核威胁的方式阻止对手采取某些行动。然而,在21世纪初,传统的威慑被一种强迫(强制)政策所取代,其目的是迫使对手采取某些他本来不会采取的行动。未来潜在的修正主义者如何使用强制政策,仍然是一个超出我们合理化范围的问题。作者认为,他们确实可以推行这种政策,并可以创造一种不对称威慑的概念,有三种变体:1)在扩张过程中使用核武器作为其安全的“保证”;2)“有限核战争”概念的现代化;3)不使用核武器,同时放弃核威慑概念(以第二次世界大战期间的化学武器为蓝本)。然而,不对称核威慑理论目前仍在发展,因此主要应用于政治层面。我们可以发现理论中出现的两个问题,这两个问题都具有现实意义:1)尽管两国之间存在军事差距,但较弱的代理人可以威慑较强的对手;2)较强的药剂是否能够抵御较弱的药剂。回顾历史,我们至少可以观察到修正主义大国出现的四种情景:法国情景:一个以霸权为目标的国家通过一系列局部冲突未能实现这一目标,而是试图获得全球领导地位;德国的情况:当一个拥有强大军事力量的超级国家感到被冒犯,并努力维护自己在太阳上的地位,或者更确切地说是在世界上的地位;意大利的情况:当一个地区国家,没有强大的军事力量,开始领土扩张;-日本的情况:当一个以前很小的,默认“微不足道”的国家,建立了强大的军事力量,并以其修正主义政策威胁世界。目前还不可能预测当今世界的核威慑机制,也不可能预测修正主义国家将在哪里出现。然而,我们从历史中学到的是,这些修正主义大国将渴望不惜一切代价促进其野心。现在很难想象,如果一个修正主义国家不相信另一个国家已经准备好发动核打击,会发生什么。同样,如果这样一个修正主义政权为了国防和领土扩张而采取遏制战略,将会发生什么?
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
An Asymmetric Model of Nuclear Deterrence
The article explores the concept of an asymmetric model of nuclear deterrence. The issue of asymmetric nuclear relations is one of the most productive in the theory of nuclear deterrence. By asymmetry we mean disparity in military power between the subjects of deterrence, when the weaker subject deters the stronger one. All of the official nuclear states have tried the components of such a policy, France and China exercising its fuller capacity. In the bipolar period, nuclear deterrence was relatively simple. The two superpowers sought to deter the opponent from taking certain actions by means of a nuclear threat. However, in the early XXI century, traditional deterrence is replaced by a compellence (coercive) policy aimed at forcing the opponent to commit certain actions that he would not commit otherwise. How the potential future revisionists can use coercion policy is an issue still beyond the scope of our rationalization. The author believes that they could indeed pursue such policy and could create a concept of asymmetric deterrence in three variants: 1) the use of nuclear weapons as a “guarantor” of their security in the course of expansion; 2) modernization of the “limited nuclear war” concept; 3) non-use of nuclear weapons alongside with the abandonment of the nuclear deterrence concept (modeled on the chemical weapons during World War II). However, the theory of asymmetric nuclear deterrence is still being developed at present, and therefore has been applied mainly at the political level. We can identify two issues emerging within the theory, both of which are of practical significance: 1) the weaker agent can deter the stronger adversary despite the military disparity between them; 2) whether the stronger agent is able to ward from the weaker counterpart. Looking back in history, we can observe, at least, four scenarios of the emergence of revisionist powers: – the French scenario: when a state aiming at supremacy fails to achieve it through a number of local conflicts and instead attempts to gain global leadership; – the German scenario: when a super state with great military power feels offended and struggles to assert its place in the sun, or rather in the world; – the Italian scenario: when a regional state, which does not boast great military power, starts a territorial expansion; – the Japanese scenario: when a previously small and, by default “insignificant” state, builds up its great military power and threatens the world with its revisionist policy. It is not possible yet to predict the mechanism of nuclear deterrence in today’s world or foresee where we shall expect the emergence of revisionist states. However, what we do learn from history is that such revisionist powers will be eager to promote their ambitions at any cost. It is quite difficult to imagine now what will happen if a revisionist state does not believe in another country’s readiness to deliver a nuclear strike. Similarly, what will happen if such a revisionist regime uses a containment strategy for both its defense and territorial expansion?
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