党派关系、个人投票和选区服务

Jennifer Bussell
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引用次数: 0

摘要

第8章使用第3章介绍的实地实验来评估政治家响应请愿的动机,测试了本书关于选区服务供给理论的可观察意义。它表明,个人投票的指标——请愿人过去曾投票给该政治家——即使不是基线回复率,也能对政治家的回应质量产生微小的积极影响。本章还探讨了关于地方封锁的信息是否会影响政治家的回应意愿。它表明,在地方选举历史悠久的州,政治家们将有关未能在当地获得援助的信息解释为当地党派阻挠的迹象,并结合选举历史的信息,表明请愿人是支持者或可说服的选民。与政治家影子的定性证据一致,这一实验证据证实了政治家利用选区服务来接触潜在支持者的论点。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Partisanship, the Personal Vote, and Constituency Service
Chapter 8 tests observable implications of the book’s theory on constituency service’s supply, using the field experiment introduced in Chapter 3 to assess politicians’ motivations to respond to petitions. It shows that indicators of a personal vote—that the petitioner has voted for the politician in the past—can have a small positive effect on the quality of a politician’s response, if not the baseline response rate. This chapter also investigates whether information on local blocking affects politicians’ willingness to respond. It shows that, in states with a long history of local elections, politicians interpret information about a failure to receive assistance locally as an indicator of local partisan blocking and, combined with information on electoral history, an indication that the petitioner is a supporter or persuadable voter. Consistent with qualitative evidence from politician shadowing, this experimental evidence substantiates the argument that politicians use constituency service to reach potential supporters.
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