{"title":"在归属与渴望之间:为什么年轻的城乡流动人口离开他们的出生地,他们留下了什么,他们是否考虑回去?","authors":"G. Svendsen","doi":"10.20897/JCASC/2671","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This study is based on telephone interviews in 2012 with 25 arbitrarily chosen adolescents between 20-27 years who had recently migrated from the rural Danish municipality of Lemvig, supplemented with results from a 2011 survey (n=120). Within a theoretical framework of belonging (Cohen, 1982) combined with Bourdieu’s (1986) general theory of the economy of practices, the purpose is to shed light on three, interrelated questions: Why do young rural-urban migrants leave their places of birth, what do they leave behind, and do they consider moving back later in life? The new empirical contribution is to shed light on the latter, important question, which has been somewhat overlooked within rural studies. In line with previous studies, adolescents’ decision to move was often complex, although achieving legitimate cultural (educational) capital in urban areas was crucial. However, most of them still felt a strong emotional attachment – belonging – to their local area, mainly to family, friends, local community and place. In what regards potential return migration, difficulties in getting a good job and thus securing good incomes and social recognition seemed to be the main obstacle for moving back. Hence, many seemed trapped between two ‘competing’ sets of emotions – security/warmth and personal pride/ambition – that is, between their belonging to a specific local field characterized by ‘survival’ networks (Corbett, 2013) and their longing for a non-specific, other place where they could achieve, and capitalize upon, highly state recognized forms of educational and symbolic capital targeted at the national ‘field of fields’ (cf. Hektner, 1995; Johnson et al., 2005; Bourdieu, 2014). At the macro level, the rural-to-urban migration trend mirrors an unequal distribution of legitimate symbolic capital in space, i.e. the rural-urban power divide, reinforced by a negative discourse of rurality (Winther and Svendsen, 2012).","PeriodicalId":274162,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cultural Analysis and Social Change","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Between Belonging and Longing: Why do Young Rural-urban Migrants Leave Their Places of Birth, What Do They Leave Behind, and Do They Consider Moving Back?\",\"authors\":\"G. 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However, most of them still felt a strong emotional attachment – belonging – to their local area, mainly to family, friends, local community and place. In what regards potential return migration, difficulties in getting a good job and thus securing good incomes and social recognition seemed to be the main obstacle for moving back. Hence, many seemed trapped between two ‘competing’ sets of emotions – security/warmth and personal pride/ambition – that is, between their belonging to a specific local field characterized by ‘survival’ networks (Corbett, 2013) and their longing for a non-specific, other place where they could achieve, and capitalize upon, highly state recognized forms of educational and symbolic capital targeted at the national ‘field of fields’ (cf. Hektner, 1995; Johnson et al., 2005; Bourdieu, 2014). 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引用次数: 5
摘要
本研究基于2012年对25名随机选择的20-27岁的青少年的电话访谈,这些青少年最近从丹麦莱姆维格的农村市迁移过来,并补充了2011年的调查结果(n=120)。在归属感的理论框架(Cohen, 1982)和布迪厄(Bourdieu, 1986)的实践经济一般理论的结合下,目的是阐明三个相互关联的问题:为什么年轻的城乡移民离开他们的出生地,他们留下了什么,他们是否考虑在以后的生活中搬回来?新的实证贡献是阐明后一个重要问题,这个问题在农村研究中有些被忽视了。与之前的研究一致,青少年搬家的决定通常是复杂的,尽管在城市地区获得合法的文化(教育)资本是至关重要的。然而,他们中的大多数人仍然对当地有强烈的情感依恋,主要是对家人、朋友、当地社区和地方。在潜在的回迁方面,很难找到一份好工作,从而获得良好的收入和社会认可似乎是回迁的主要障碍。因此,许多人似乎被困在两种“相互竞争”的情感之间——安全/温暖和个人骄傲/野心——也就是说,在他们属于一个以“生存”网络为特征的特定地方领域(Corbett, 2013)和他们对一个非特定的、其他的地方的渴望之间,在那里他们可以实现和利用,高度国家认可的教育和象征资本的形式,目标是国家的“领域的领域”(参见Hektner, 1995;Johnson et al., 2005;布迪厄,2014)。在宏观层面上,农村向城市的迁移趋势反映了合法象征性资本在空间上的不平等分配,即城乡权力划分,并被乡村性的负面话语所强化(Winther和Svendsen, 2012)。
Between Belonging and Longing: Why do Young Rural-urban Migrants Leave Their Places of Birth, What Do They Leave Behind, and Do They Consider Moving Back?
This study is based on telephone interviews in 2012 with 25 arbitrarily chosen adolescents between 20-27 years who had recently migrated from the rural Danish municipality of Lemvig, supplemented with results from a 2011 survey (n=120). Within a theoretical framework of belonging (Cohen, 1982) combined with Bourdieu’s (1986) general theory of the economy of practices, the purpose is to shed light on three, interrelated questions: Why do young rural-urban migrants leave their places of birth, what do they leave behind, and do they consider moving back later in life? The new empirical contribution is to shed light on the latter, important question, which has been somewhat overlooked within rural studies. In line with previous studies, adolescents’ decision to move was often complex, although achieving legitimate cultural (educational) capital in urban areas was crucial. However, most of them still felt a strong emotional attachment – belonging – to their local area, mainly to family, friends, local community and place. In what regards potential return migration, difficulties in getting a good job and thus securing good incomes and social recognition seemed to be the main obstacle for moving back. Hence, many seemed trapped between two ‘competing’ sets of emotions – security/warmth and personal pride/ambition – that is, between their belonging to a specific local field characterized by ‘survival’ networks (Corbett, 2013) and their longing for a non-specific, other place where they could achieve, and capitalize upon, highly state recognized forms of educational and symbolic capital targeted at the national ‘field of fields’ (cf. Hektner, 1995; Johnson et al., 2005; Bourdieu, 2014). At the macro level, the rural-to-urban migration trend mirrors an unequal distribution of legitimate symbolic capital in space, i.e. the rural-urban power divide, reinforced by a negative discourse of rurality (Winther and Svendsen, 2012).