{"title":"“好像他们忘记了”:复数又来了","authors":"María Mare, Enrique Pato","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4317","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions –depending on the embedded clause’s formal properties– has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A’-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects, which shows a double agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb ( parecer ‘to seem’) present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL ‘They seem to forget him’). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define many characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well ( Me parece que ... ‘It seems to me that...’). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"115 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"'Parecen que lo olvidan': Plurals did it again\",\"authors\":\"María Mare, Enrique Pato\",\"doi\":\"10.7557/1.7.1.4317\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions –depending on the embedded clause’s formal properties– has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A’-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects, which shows a double agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb ( parecer ‘to seem’) present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL ‘They seem to forget him’). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define many characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well ( Me parece que ... ‘It seems to me that...’). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.\",\"PeriodicalId\":230880,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics\",\"volume\":\"115 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2018-05-18\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4317\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4317","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
摘要
DDPP在提升结构中的分布——取决于嵌入子句的形式属性——对格理论和运动至关重要。同样,根据协议事实,DDPP的行为引发了有关运动类型的相关讨论(A-Movement/A ' -Movement)。然而,这种分布在某些西班牙方言中并不那么清楚,这显示了双重一致效应。这意味着嵌入的动词以及提升动词(表语“似乎”)呈现屈折数(和人称)形态:表语“似乎”-n que lo olvida-n(似乎)。第三方物流,它忘记了。(“他们似乎忘记了他”)。对这些品种的数据分析使我们能够从描述和理论的角度定义许多相关的特征。描述性地说,可以识别出一些显著的特殊性,关于DP的位置,它触发了这些结构与和格体验者的一致和相互作用(Me parece que…)(在我看来……)。从理论的角度来看,这些数据对一致性的方法、案例与运动之间的关系以及西班牙语中关于体验者悖论的讨论产生了影响。此外,它们允许我们识别一个新的经验域,其中DP复数特征在Probe-Goal域中具有积极作用。
The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions –depending on the embedded clause’s formal properties– has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A’-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects, which shows a double agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb ( parecer ‘to seem’) present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL ‘They seem to forget him’). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define many characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well ( Me parece que ... ‘It seems to me that...’). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.