美国前重罪犯的投票权与选举结果

T. Klumpp, Hugo M Mialon, Michael A. Williams
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引用次数: 13

摘要

大约每40个成年美国公民中就有一个因为重罪而暂时或永久失去投票权。由于限制重罪犯和前重罪犯投票的法律不成比例地影响了少数族裔,而少数族裔倾向于投票给民主党候选人,因此有人假设,剥夺重罪候选人的选举权会在选举中损害民主党候选人,从而有利于共和党候选人。我们使用美国各州和不同时期的重罪剥夺公民权法律的变化来检验这一假设。在2000年代,一些州恢复了前重罪犯的投票权。使用差中差回归,我们估计了重新赋予前重罪犯公民权的法律对美国众议院席位选举中主要政党候选人选票份额的影响。我们认为,回归估计为恢复重罪犯投票权对主要政党候选人投票份额的真实影响提供了上限。根据这个上限,如果所有州都允许前重罪犯投票,那么从1998年到2012年的任何一年,众议院多数都不会被逆转。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Voting Rights of Ex-Felons and Election Outcomes in the United States
Approximately one in forty adult U.S. citizens has lost their right to vote, either temporarily or permanently, as a result of a felony conviction. Because laws restricting voting by felons and ex-felons disproportionately affect minorities, and minorities tend to vote for Democratic candidates, it has been hypothesized that felony disenfranchisement hurts Democratic candidates in elections, thus helping Republican candidates. We test this hypothesis using variation in felony disenfranchisement laws across U.S. states and over time. During the 2000s, a number of states restored the voting rights of ex-felons. Using difference-in-differences regressions, we estimate the effect of laws reenfranchising ex-felons on the vote shares of major party candidates in elections for seats to the U.S. House of Representatives. We argue that the regression estimates provide an upper bound for the true effect of restoring voting rights to ex-felons on the vote shares of major party candidates. Using this upper bound, no House majority would have been reversed in any year between 1998 and 2012, had all states allowed ex-felons to vote.
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