伊斯坦布尔集市和农贸市场上不同形式的嵌入

Candan Türkkan
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摘要

本文评估了伊斯坦布尔不同食物交换场所中食物的社会、生态和空间嵌入性。本文认为,关于嵌入性的讨论主要集中在全球北方的案例上,而忽视了全球南方的网站,在那里不同的食品参与者(批发商、供应商、农民、农民-供应商)和生产实践(本地vs.替代(有机认证vs. PGS认证vs.非有机认证vs.“天然”)vs.传统)可以并且确实在同一个食品交换网站中共存。然后,利用来自伊斯坦布尔集市(定期市场)和与土食者运动(FMs)相关的农贸市场的参与者观察和访谈数据,本文表明食物在这两个地点都被重新社会化和重新空间化;然而,社会化和空间化所需要的(在每个地点)在本质上是不同的:FMs旨在产生一个具有生态意识的食品公民社区,即使参与FMs的消费者和生产者之间可能存在显着的社会经济差异;而集市则强调邻里社区的维护。然而,谁构成这些社区是特定于社区和市场的。在城市的郊区,这样的社区可能包括小贩、农家小贩和消费者;而在位于中心位置的集市上,在集市外产生和维持的邻里社区往往会在集市上复制,因此通常会将摊贩排除在外。简而言之,这两种不同类型的地点不仅在食物的社会、空间和生态嵌入性方面存在差异,而且在不同类型的地点之间也可能存在差异,这取决于每个地点的位置。本文最后讨论了这些差异对土耳其一般食物运动的影响,特别是对土食者运动的影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
DIFFERENT FORMS OF EMBEDDEDNESS AT ISTANBUL’S BAZAAR AND FARMERS MARKET
This paper assesses what social, ecological, and spatial embeddedness of food entails in different food exchange sites in Istanbul. The paper argues that discussions around embeddedness have focused primarily on cases from the Global North and have ignored sites from the Global South where different food actors (wholesalers, vendors, farmers, farmer-vendors) and production practices (local vs. alternative (certified organic vs. PGS vs. not- certified organic or ‘natural’) vs. conventional) can and do coexist in the same food exchange site. Then, using participant observation and interview data from Istanbul’s bazaars (periodic markets) and farmers markets associated with the locavore movement (FMs), the paper shows that food is re-socialized and re-spatialized in both sites; however, what that socialization and spatialization entails (in each site) is constitutively different: The FMs aim to generate a community of eco-conscious food citizens even as there may be significant socio-economic differences between consumers and producers who participate at the FMs; whereas bazaars emphasize the maintenance of neighborhood communities. Yet, who constitutes those communities is neighborhood- and bazaar- specific. At the city’s outskirts, such communities may include vendors, farmer-vendors, and consumers; whereas at bazaars more centrally located, the neighborhood community generated and maintained outside the bazaars tends to be reproduced at the bazaars, thus usually excluding the vendors. In short, not only are there differences between these two different types of sites in terms of the social, spatial, and ecological embeddedness of food, but there may also be differences within the types depending on where each site is located. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these differences for the food movement in Turkey in general, and for the locavore movement in particular.
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