A. Rustoiu
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引用次数: 1

摘要

1. 在多瑙河上航行,从拉古斯的儿子托勒密到Neacșu的普隆。2021年是Neacșu of castulung写这封信的500周年纪念日,许多专家认为这是用罗马尼亚语写的最早的证明文件。由于这是罗马尼亚文学史上的一份重要文件,下面的注释也将用罗马尼亚语书写。这封信的寄信人是一位名叫Neacșu的商人,他把1521年夏天奥斯曼军队在多瑙河沿岸的动向发给了Brașov的市长汉斯·本克纳(Hans Benkner)。在这些信息中,有一些是关于来自博斯普鲁斯海峡和黑海的船只如何沿着多瑙河逆流而上,通过铁门到达贝尔格莱德的。这个故事与18个半世纪前发生的一个非常相似的故事相呼应——公元前335年亚历山大大帝远征多瑙河。探险队的一名目击者描述了这些事件:托勒密,拉古斯的儿子,亚历山大的将军,未来的埃及国王。描述多瑙河探险的片段保存在阿里安和斯特拉博后来的作品中。根据他们的说法,在准备向东远征时,亚历山大大帝首先寻求稳定和安抚王国的北部领土。因此,在公元前335年春天,亚历山大离开安菲波利斯,开始了对特里巴利人的新远征,他们被追到了多瑙河。在西莫斯国王的带领下,他们在多瑙河左岸的基太人的帮助下,在河边的一个岛上避难。到达河流后,亚历山大大帝遇到了从拜占庭来帮助他的“大船”,穿过黑海,沿着多瑙河(阿里安I, 3,3)。基塔人和Triballi的联盟促使亚历山大组织了一次为期一天的多瑙河北部的惩罚性袭击。随着时间的推移,关于整个战役和西莫斯领导的特里巴利人避难的岛屿的位置,或者亚历山大渡过多瑙河的地区,人们提出了几种假设(图1)。F. medeleur令人信服地证明,亚历山大大帝领导的军队到达了摩拉瓦汇合处附近的多瑙河。Al. Vulpe反对这一假设,主要是讨论马其顿舰队在试图通过铁门航行时遇到的所谓困难。然而,通过铁门瀑布的问题在古代已经通过拖船解决了。在罗马时代之前和之后,直到现代,通过瀑布航行的困难条件都是相似的。因此,关于1521年奥斯曼帝国在多瑙河沿岸的战役,由姆普隆网站Neacșu提供的信息是很重要的。他的描述证实了奥斯曼船只是被拖曳的,也表明了通过多瑙河铁门的通道是如何组织的。因此,公元前335年,拜占庭的“大船”从铁门上游航行而来支持亚历山大大帝的想法是可信的。这一假说由弗洛林·梅德勒普罗斯提出,仍然是最令人信服的假说,比迄今提出的所有其他假说都更有说服力。2. 从特兰西瓦尼亚的“凯尔特”到“达契亚地平线”的武器和战士身份的“铠甲”。特兰西瓦尼亚的铁器时代晚期被定义为两个文化和时间水平:“凯尔特水平”(约公元前350年至公元前190/175年)和“达契亚水平”(约公元前190/175年至公元106年)。很少被讨论的一个方面是,在上述每个文化和时间视界中,这些“panoplies”如何定义这些精英的特定社会身份,这是铁器时代晚期喀尔巴阡山脉内部地区的特征。“凯尔特”和“达契亚地平线”特有的“标准”武器装备的比较表明,两者既有相似之处,也有差异。更准确地说,这些护甲在功能上非常相似。在葬礼上,这些武器象征着好战的身份。然而,在社会环境中,军事身份的建构和表达方式却因地而异。“凯尔特”战士与他所生活的社区密切相关,与社区的其他成员一起被埋葬在属于他的群体、氏族或家庭的区域,使用他的社会地位和身份的所有标志。另一方面,“达契亚”战士属于等级制社会,这种社会的特点是山顶堡垒的出现,周围环绕着依赖的农村腹地。因此,尽管在武器装备的功能结构上有明显的相似之处,但这两个视界的战士属于两种截然不同的社会组织模式。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Commentaria archaeologica et historica (IV)
1. Navigating on the Danube, from Ptolemy the son of Lagus to Neacșu of Câmpulung. The year 2021 marks the 500 anniversaries of the moment when Neacșu of Câmpulung wrote his letter, which many specialists considers to be the earliest attested document written in Romanian language. Since this is an important document for the history of Romanian literature, the following note will also be written in Romanian language. The sender of this letter, Neacșu of Câmpulung, was a merchant who was sending information to Hans Benkner, the mayor of Brașov, about the movements of Ottoman army along the Danube in the summer of 1521. Among the information are some regarding the way in which ships coming from the Bosphorus and the Black Sea navigated upstream on the Danube, through the Iron Gates, to Belgrade. This story echoes a quite similar one that happened eighteen centuries and a half earlier – the expedition of Alexander the Great to the Danube in 335 BC. The events were described by one witness who was part of the expedition: Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, a general of Alexander and future king of Egypt. The fragments describing the Danubian expedition are preserved in later works by Arrian and Strabo. According to them, while preparing the expedition to the east, Alexander the Great sought to first stabilize and pacify the northern territories of the kingdom. Therefore, in the spring of 335 BC, Alexander left Amphipolis to initiate a new expedition against the Triballi, who were chased up to the Danube. Led by king Syrmos, they took refuge on an island of the river, being also helped by the Getae living on the left bank of the Danube. Upon reaching the river, Alexander the Great met the “big ships” that came to help him from Byzantium, through the Black Sea and along the Danube (Arrian I, 3, 3). The alliance of the Getae and Triballi motivated Alexander to organize a one-day punishing raid to the north of the Danube. Several hypotheses have been proposed over time regarding the entire campaign and the location of the island on which the Triballi led by Syrmos took refuge, or the area where Alexander crossed the Danube (Fig. 1). F. Medeleţ had convincingly demonstrated that the army led by Alexander the Great reached the Danube near the Morava confluence. Al. Vulpe has objected to this hypothesis, mostly bringing into discussion the supposed difficulties encountered by the Macedonian fleet when attempting to navigate through the Iron Gates. However, the problem of passing through the Iron Gates cataracts was already solved in ancient time by towing the ships. The difficult conditions for the navigation through the cataracts were similar both before and after the Roman times, and until the modern age. Therefore, the information provided by Neacșu of Câmpulung about the Ottoman campaign along the Danube in 1521 is important. His description confirms that the Ottoman ships were towed, also indicating the way in which passage through the Danube’s Iron Gates was organized. Consequently, the idea suggesting that the “big ships” from Byzantium navigated upstream the Iron Gates while coming to support Alexander the Great in 335 BC is plausible. This hypothesis, proposed by Florin Medeleț, continues to be the most convincing one, ahead of all others proposed so far. 2. “Panoplies” of weapons and warrior identities from the “Celtic” to the “Dacian horizon” in Transylvania. The Late Iron Age in Transylvania was defined by two cultural and chronological horizons: the “Celtic horizon” (between ca. 350 and 190/175 BC) and the “Dacian horizon” (between ca. 190/175 BC and AD 106). One aspect that has seldom been discussed is the way these “panoplies” defined a particular social identity of these elites during each of the aforementioned cultural and chronological horizons which characterized the inner Carpathians region during the Late Iron Age. The comparison of the “standard” panoplies of weapons specific to the “Celtic” and the “Dacian horizon” indicates the existence of both similarities and differences. More precisely, these panoplies are quite similar in what concerns their functionality. In funerary contexts, these weapons are meant to define symbolically the warlike identity. However, the ways in which martial identity was constructed and expressed within the social environment differed from one horizon to another. The “Celtic” warrior was closely connected to the community within which he lived, being buried alongside other members of the community, in an area belonging to his group, clan or family, using all markers of his social status and identity. On the other hand, the “Dacian” warrior belonged to a hierarchic society that was defined by the emergence of hilltop fortresses surrounded by a dependent rural hinterland. Therefore, despite the apparent similarities in the functional structure of the panoplies of weapons, the warriors of these two horizons belonged to two very different models of social organization.
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