神的热心:三个一神论之争

Cyprian Blamires
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引用次数: 0

摘要

宗教暴力。他的探索并没有把这种分析作为历史事实,而是作为一种救赎论,它使君主成为自由权威结构的冠冕,而正统(由约翰·罗尔斯和弗朗西斯·福山等作家所倡导)坚持认为,除非君主干预,将宗教与公共生活的其他方面分开,否则对教义差异的争论不可避免地会破坏公共秩序。尽管有相当多的证据表明,在这一时期,宗教和社会经济机构相互交织,新教徒和天主教战士之间合作对抗其他天主教军队的例子很多,或者是“威斯特伐利亚和平”时期的“忏悔国家的专制政府”。将一个独特的“宗教”变量提炼为暴力的主要引擎,也成为美国外交政策的基本原则。卡瓦诺引用了伯纳德·刘易斯(Bernard Lewis)的一篇文章,刘易斯在亨廷顿普及文明冲突之前,首先写了关于文明冲突的文章,他谈到了对穆斯林世界保持警惕的需要,因为穆斯林世界痴迷于通过明显的宗教镜头过滤所有社会政治事件。人们可能会觉得对这篇文章的关注很奇怪,直到人们注意到当时的副总统迪克·切尼对这篇文章的认可。从这一点上,卡瓦诺得出了殖民主义时期和我们今天之间相当惊人的相似之处,在殖民主义时期,“宗教”被用作征服新世界的话语工具,而在我们今天,“宗教”这个独特的类别同样被西方用来给穆斯林世界带来世俗化的祝福,不管它是否愿意。虽然概念上很简单,但卡瓦诺的作品在揭示围绕“宗教”概念的复杂世界方面是无价的。这本书也呼吁人们意识到福柯式的权威结构,这种结构推动了当前的,或者实际上是任何关于宗教的论述。人们能发现的唯一错误是,随着负面分析的展开,人们越来越渴望提出一个积极的方案。除了那些熟悉他早期作品的人之外,这可能会让所有人失望。尽管如此,他对这个紧凑体量空间的巨大贡献是不可否认的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
God’s Zeal: The Battle of the Three Monotheisms
of religious violence. His exploration portrays the analysis not as historical fact, but as the soteriology that legitimates the Sovereign as the crown of a liberal authority structure, where the orthodoxy (championed by writers such as John Rawls and Francis Fukuyama) maintains that squabbles over dogmatic differences inevitably become disruptive of public order unless the sovereign intervenes to separate religion from other facets of public life. This is in spite of a considerable body of evidence that includes the intertwining of both religious and socioeconomic institutions during that period, numerous instances of cooperation among Protestant and Catholic combatants against other Catholic armies, or the period of ‘absolutist governments with confessional states’ that characterised the ‘peace of Westphalia’. The distillation of a distinct ‘religious’ variable as the primary engine for violence also becomes the underlying principle of American foreign policy. Cavanaugh cites a single article by Bernard Lewis, who first wrote on the clash of civilisations before it became popularised by Huntington, and who spoke of the need for vigilance against the Muslim world because of its obsession in filtering all socio-political events through a distinctly religious lens. One might think odd the attention to this single article, until one notices the imprimatur given to that article by then Vice-President Dick Cheney. Drawing from this, Cavanaugh draws rather striking parallels between the days of Colonialism, where ‘religion’ was used as a discursive tool for subjugation of the New world, and our present day, where the distinct category ‘religion’ was similarly used for the West to bring the blessings of secularisation to the Muslim world, whether it wants it or not. Although conceptually simple, Cavanaugh’s work is invaluable in unveiling a world of complexity that surrounds the concept of ‘religion’. This work also provides a call to awareness to the Foucauldian structures of authority driving the current, or indeed any, discourse on religion. The only fault one can find is that, as the negative analysis unfolds, one feels increasingly eager for a positive programme to be put forward. That this does not materialise may disappoint all but those familiar with his earlier work. Nonetheless, his great contribution to this area within the space of a compact volume is not to be denied.
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