{"title":"感受热度:快速工业化国家的气候政策政治","authors":"A. Michaelowa","doi":"10.1080/20430779.2012.722005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"With overtaking of the US by China as the world’s largest emitter in the mid-2000s and the emergence of the group of advanced developing countries called BASIC during the Copenhagen conference, rapidly industrializing countries have taken centre stage in international climate policy. So far, only journal articles or single book chapters (see e.g. Garnaut et al., 2008 or Michaelowa and Michaelowa, 2009) or grey literature in the negotiation context have been published, but a good overview in the form of a book has been lacking. Bailey and Compston have brought together 10 chapters on rapidly industrializing countries in three sections by a mix of contributors, mostly young political science researchers. The first one provides the context through four chapters on generic climate policy challenges for this country group, their positions in the climate negotiations, and how the EU and the US deal with these countries. The second section consists of four country case studies on Brazil, China, India and Russia. An extended chapter provides conclusions. Bailey and Compston see climate policy in emerging countries as an issue of ‘high political toxicity’ and see generally a tendency to avoid actions that go beyond business-as-usual. On the basis of policy network theory, they provide a taxonomy of ‘resource exchange’, where access to decision-making process is traded by policymakers and interest groups. Bailey and Compston find four key strategies: unilateral policy action if the government feels to be able to ignore interest groups, providing concessions in other policy fields, changing preferences of other actors or introducing policy instruments that allow shifting the terms of resource exchange to the detriment of the interest group. Barker’s introductory chapter provides an overview about recent climate policy and half-page abstracts of the energy and climate policy situation in the countries covered by the case studies. Then, a series of short paragraphs on key climate policy topics follows in a somewhat haphazard sequence: the appropriateness of cost–benefit analysis, additionality determination for CDM projects, funding of adaptation, technology transfer support, fuel subsidy reduction and emissions trading. Davenport sketches the history of UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol negotiations and the positions taken by emerging economies. A nice section on the voluntary Argentinean target of the late 1990s is worth reading. A section on reduced emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (somewhat misplaced) and on the emergence of BASIC during the Copenhagen negotiations precedes a discussion on regime effectiveness and equity. Afionis and Bailey discuss the diplomacy of the EU towards the four countries covered in the book, highlighting the tug-of-war with Russia regarding the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. They summarize that collaboration works best where co-benefits from emissions mitigation activities are harnessed. Harris does the same for the US; unfortunately, his analysis of the collaboration with India suffers from an overvaluation of US initiatives. He rightly stresses that US collaboration initiatives with the four countries are ‘high in number, but low in quality’ (p. 87). Schröder’s study of China provides emissions forecasts and nicely describes the convoluted power relations between different ministries and government agencies. She makes it very clear that China’s Copenhagen pledge is just business as usual. An excellent section presents the key factors that have led to the development of Chinese climate policy. The national growth target of 8% does not allow a firm commitment to reduce emissions. Moreover, China has","PeriodicalId":411329,"journal":{"name":"Greenhouse Gas Measurement and Management","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"29","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Feeling the Heat: The Politics of Climate Policy in Rapidly Industrializing Countries\",\"authors\":\"A. 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The first one provides the context through four chapters on generic climate policy challenges for this country group, their positions in the climate negotiations, and how the EU and the US deal with these countries. The second section consists of four country case studies on Brazil, China, India and Russia. An extended chapter provides conclusions. Bailey and Compston see climate policy in emerging countries as an issue of ‘high political toxicity’ and see generally a tendency to avoid actions that go beyond business-as-usual. On the basis of policy network theory, they provide a taxonomy of ‘resource exchange’, where access to decision-making process is traded by policymakers and interest groups. Bailey and Compston find four key strategies: unilateral policy action if the government feels to be able to ignore interest groups, providing concessions in other policy fields, changing preferences of other actors or introducing policy instruments that allow shifting the terms of resource exchange to the detriment of the interest group. Barker’s introductory chapter provides an overview about recent climate policy and half-page abstracts of the energy and climate policy situation in the countries covered by the case studies. Then, a series of short paragraphs on key climate policy topics follows in a somewhat haphazard sequence: the appropriateness of cost–benefit analysis, additionality determination for CDM projects, funding of adaptation, technology transfer support, fuel subsidy reduction and emissions trading. Davenport sketches the history of UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol negotiations and the positions taken by emerging economies. A nice section on the voluntary Argentinean target of the late 1990s is worth reading. A section on reduced emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (somewhat misplaced) and on the emergence of BASIC during the Copenhagen negotiations precedes a discussion on regime effectiveness and equity. Afionis and Bailey discuss the diplomacy of the EU towards the four countries covered in the book, highlighting the tug-of-war with Russia regarding the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. They summarize that collaboration works best where co-benefits from emissions mitigation activities are harnessed. Harris does the same for the US; unfortunately, his analysis of the collaboration with India suffers from an overvaluation of US initiatives. He rightly stresses that US collaboration initiatives with the four countries are ‘high in number, but low in quality’ (p. 87). Schröder’s study of China provides emissions forecasts and nicely describes the convoluted power relations between different ministries and government agencies. She makes it very clear that China’s Copenhagen pledge is just business as usual. An excellent section presents the key factors that have led to the development of Chinese climate policy. The national growth target of 8% does not allow a firm commitment to reduce emissions. 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引用次数: 29
摘要
随着中国在2005年前后取代美国成为全球最大的排放国,以及哥本哈根会议期间出现了发达发展中国家“基础四国”(BASIC),快速工业化的国家已经占据了国际气候政策的中心舞台。到目前为止,只有期刊文章或单独的书籍章节(例如Garnaut et al., 2008或Michaelowa and Michaelowa, 2009)或谈判背景下的灰色文献已经发表,但缺乏一本书形式的良好概述。贝利和康普斯顿将快速工业化国家的10章分为三个部分,作者主要是年轻的政治科学研究人员。第一部分通过四章提供了这个国家集团面临的一般气候政策挑战的背景,他们在气候谈判中的立场,以及欧盟和美国如何与这些国家打交道。第二部分包括对巴西、中国、印度和俄罗斯四个国家的案例研究。延长的一章提供结论。贝利和康普斯顿认为,新兴国家的气候政策是一个具有“高度政治毒性”的问题,他们普遍倾向于避免采取超越一切的行动。在政策网络理论的基础上,他们提供了一种“资源交换”的分类法,在这种分类法中,决策者和利益集团可以交换决策过程的使用权。贝利和康普斯顿发现了四个关键策略:如果政府觉得能够忽视利益集团,就采取单边政策行动;在其他政策领域做出让步;改变其他行为者的偏好;或者引入政策工具,允许将资源交换条件转移到损害利益集团的情况下。巴克的引言章节概述了最近的气候政策,并对案例研究所涵盖的国家的能源和气候政策状况进行了半页的摘要。接下来是一系列关于关键气候政策主题的简短段落,顺序有些随意:成本效益分析的适当性、清洁发展机制项目的附加性确定、适应融资、技术转让支持、燃料补贴削减和排放交易。达文波特概述了《联合国气候变化框架公约》和《京都议定书》谈判的历史,以及新兴经济体所采取的立场。关于上世纪90年代末阿根廷的自愿减排目标,有一节很不错,值得一读。在讨论制度的有效性和公平性之前,有一节讨论了森林砍伐和森林退化造成的减排(有些放错了地方)以及哥本哈根谈判期间出现的“基础四国”。阿菲尼斯和贝利讨论了欧盟对书中涉及的四个国家的外交,重点是与俄罗斯就批准《京都议定书》进行的拉锯战。他们总结说,在利用减缓排放活动的共同利益时,合作效果最好。哈里斯对美国也是如此;不幸的是,他对美印合作的分析受到了对美国举措高估的影响。他正确地强调,美国与这四个国家的合作倡议“数量多,但质量低”(第87页)。Schröder对中国的研究提供了排放预测,并很好地描述了不同部委和政府机构之间错综复杂的权力关系。她说得很清楚,中国在哥本哈根的承诺只是一切照旧。书中有一个精彩的章节介绍了导致中国气候政策发展的关键因素。8%的国家经济增长目标并没有做出坚定的减排承诺。此外,中国已经
Feeling the Heat: The Politics of Climate Policy in Rapidly Industrializing Countries
With overtaking of the US by China as the world’s largest emitter in the mid-2000s and the emergence of the group of advanced developing countries called BASIC during the Copenhagen conference, rapidly industrializing countries have taken centre stage in international climate policy. So far, only journal articles or single book chapters (see e.g. Garnaut et al., 2008 or Michaelowa and Michaelowa, 2009) or grey literature in the negotiation context have been published, but a good overview in the form of a book has been lacking. Bailey and Compston have brought together 10 chapters on rapidly industrializing countries in three sections by a mix of contributors, mostly young political science researchers. The first one provides the context through four chapters on generic climate policy challenges for this country group, their positions in the climate negotiations, and how the EU and the US deal with these countries. The second section consists of four country case studies on Brazil, China, India and Russia. An extended chapter provides conclusions. Bailey and Compston see climate policy in emerging countries as an issue of ‘high political toxicity’ and see generally a tendency to avoid actions that go beyond business-as-usual. On the basis of policy network theory, they provide a taxonomy of ‘resource exchange’, where access to decision-making process is traded by policymakers and interest groups. Bailey and Compston find four key strategies: unilateral policy action if the government feels to be able to ignore interest groups, providing concessions in other policy fields, changing preferences of other actors or introducing policy instruments that allow shifting the terms of resource exchange to the detriment of the interest group. Barker’s introductory chapter provides an overview about recent climate policy and half-page abstracts of the energy and climate policy situation in the countries covered by the case studies. Then, a series of short paragraphs on key climate policy topics follows in a somewhat haphazard sequence: the appropriateness of cost–benefit analysis, additionality determination for CDM projects, funding of adaptation, technology transfer support, fuel subsidy reduction and emissions trading. Davenport sketches the history of UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol negotiations and the positions taken by emerging economies. A nice section on the voluntary Argentinean target of the late 1990s is worth reading. A section on reduced emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (somewhat misplaced) and on the emergence of BASIC during the Copenhagen negotiations precedes a discussion on regime effectiveness and equity. Afionis and Bailey discuss the diplomacy of the EU towards the four countries covered in the book, highlighting the tug-of-war with Russia regarding the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. They summarize that collaboration works best where co-benefits from emissions mitigation activities are harnessed. Harris does the same for the US; unfortunately, his analysis of the collaboration with India suffers from an overvaluation of US initiatives. He rightly stresses that US collaboration initiatives with the four countries are ‘high in number, but low in quality’ (p. 87). Schröder’s study of China provides emissions forecasts and nicely describes the convoluted power relations between different ministries and government agencies. She makes it very clear that China’s Copenhagen pledge is just business as usual. An excellent section presents the key factors that have led to the development of Chinese climate policy. The national growth target of 8% does not allow a firm commitment to reduce emissions. Moreover, China has