对亚当·斯密报告的回应&衡量公平贸易杯内容的新思路

Alastair M. Smith
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引用次数: 9

摘要

总体而言,本文中的分析与亚当·斯密研究所的观点一致:迫切需要对公平贸易(以及任何减贫或发展干预)进行持续的研究和评估,以确保资源不会浪费在意图良好但效率低下的策略中,或者减少效用的策略。公平贸易不应被接受或推广为唯一或最好的以消费为基础的减轻贫穷的策略。有许多值得支持的认证计划和慈善机构。在国际贸易制度内为生产者和消费者提供适当的奖励与经济增长和减少贫穷的情况密切相关。然而,我们自己的分析导致我们严重质疑亚当·斯密报告的其他方面:1。反对公平贸易的具体论点在经验证据或理论理解方面缺乏可信的基础,因为:他们中的许多人只不过是没有任何引用证据的主张。虽然有些观点确实参考了适当严谨的学术和机构研究,但其他证据的可信度标准较低,可以说是不够的。2. 公平贸易缺乏凝聚力,因为许多对公平贸易的批评与将赞助分配给其他机制的建议相矛盾。3.任何关于公平贸易治理的积极利益的想法仍未被探索。4. 普遍自由化是减少贫困的最佳途径这一论点所引用的证据也缺乏复杂性。最后,我们认为亚当·斯密的报告:未能为拒绝公平贸易建立适当的理由。未能建立一个适当可信的支持贸易自由化的理由。未能采取适当的严谨态度来评估非常重要的问题。取代亚当·斯密报告中采用的方法,这一分析表明:1。中国、印度和香港的案例表明,在地方经济与更广阔世界的互动中,适当管理地方经济才是减少贫困的最佳途径。这远远不是普遍的自由化,通常包括积极管理价格激励措施,以及建立当地企业和穷人能力的直接投资。2. 不应总是期望经济上贫穷的行为者自愿对市场激励作出反应,因为:发展中世界的特点是风险和不稳定程度高,这可能使长期规划难以执行。从定义上讲,穷人缺乏必要的能力,无法承担将多样化转变为更有益的收入战略所带来的短期和长期成本。发展中世界往往缺乏必要的市场激励结构来促进可能是减少贫穷所必需的结构变革。3.贫穷的商品生产者在作出必要的多样化决定时,可能会得到协助,办法是提供价格,使其能够支付尽可能多产出的可持续生产的费用,目的是立即减少贫穷水平,并培养那些不能从市场纪律中受益的人的能力。长期合同提供了一个更稳定的环境,在这个环境中,人们可以决定收入策略的多样化。预付信贷和额外的社会保险费,以建立可用于促进多样化的能力。最终得出的结论是:反对公平贸易的案例还不够强大,不足以建议拒绝这样一个在大量案例中被经验证明有助于减少贫困的完善机制。不能全盘拒绝市场奖励制度的管理,而是必须根据个别情况和背景的具体情况评价个别战略。这同样适用于国家干预和公平贸易最低价格。对公平贸易的批评,最恰当的回应是继续进行广泛的研究计划,目的是为治理机制的改革提出建议。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A Response to the Adam Smith Report & A New Way to Think About Measuring the Content of the Fair Trade Cup
Overall the analysis in this paper agrees with the Adam Smith Institute in that: There is a serious need for ongoing research and evaluation of Fair Trade (and indeed any poverty reduction or developmental intervention) to ensure that resources are not wasted in well intended yet inefficient, or, utility reducing strategies. Fair Trade should not be accepted or promoted as, the only or the best consumption based strategy for alleviating poverty. There are many worthy certification schemes and charities that are well deserving of support. The provision of appropriate incentives for producers and consumers inside a regime of international trade is strongly linked to incidences of economic growth and poverty reduction. However, our own analysis leads us to seriously question other aspects of the Adam Smith Report in that: 1. The specific arguments against Fair Trade lack a credible basis in either empirical evidence or theoretical understanding because: Many of them are no more than assertions bereft of any attempt to cite evidence. While some points do reference appropriately rigorous academic and institutional research, other evidence is of a lower and arguably insufficient standard of credibility. 2. There is a lack of cohesion as many of the criticisms of Fair Trade contradict the suggestion that patronage is allocated to other mechanisms instead. 3. Any idea of positive benefit from Fair Trade governance remains unexplored. 4. The lack of sophistication extends to the evidence cited in support of the argument that universal liberalisation is the best way to reduce poverty. Ultimately it is suggested that the Adam Smith report: Fails to establish suitable grounds for the rejection of Fair Trade. Fails to establish an appropriately credible case in favour of trade liberalisation. Fails to take an appropriately rigorous attitude to the evaluation of what are incredibly important issues. In place of the approach taken in the Adam Smith report this analysis suggests that: 1. The cases of China, India and Hong Kong show that it is the appropriate management of local economies in their interaction with the wider world that is the best way to reduce poverty. Far from universal liberalisation this has often included the active management of price incentives as well as direct investment to build the capabilities of local business and the poor. 2. Financially poor actors should not always be expected to voluntarily respond to market incentives because: The developing world is characterised by levels of risk and instability that can make long term planning difficult to carry out. By definition the poor lack the capabilities necessary to meet the immediate and longer term costs of diversification into more beneficial incomes strategies. The developing world often lacks the market incentive structures necessary to promote the structural change that might be necessary to reduce poverty. 3. Poor commodity producers are likely to be assisted in their effort to make the necessary diversification decisions through the provision of: Prices that cover the cost of sustainable production for as much output as possible, with the aim of reducing immediate levels of poverty and building the capabilities of those unable to benefit from market discipline. Long term contracts that offer a more stable environment in which to make decisions about the diversification of income strategies. The payment of upfront credit and an additional social premium to build capabilities which can be used to facilitate diversification. Ultimately it is concluded that: The case against Fair Trade is not strong enough to recommend a rejection of such a well established mechanism which is empirically proven to help with the reduction of poverty in a significant number of cases. The management of market incentives systems cannot be rejected wholesale, but instead individual strategies must be evaluated on the specifics of individual cases and contexts. This applies equally to state intervention and the Fair Trade minimum prices. The most appropriate response to criticisms of Fair Trade is to continue a broad based program of research with the aim of making recommendations for reform of the governance mechanisms.
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