欧盟在西班牙媒体中的媒体声誉(2000-2018)

Cecilia Sales-Piñeiro, Paul Capripotti-Peri
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文属于事业单位传播学领域。它旨在研究2000年至2018年期间欧盟在西班牙主要媒体中的声誉。随着该机构不断获得能力并规范成员国的活动,欧盟与其公民的沟通已成为该机构内外辩论的一个来源。在传播的多个领域,有必要通过更有效的传播政策使这个超机构更接近公民。本文的总体目标是了解2000年至2018年期间欧盟在西班牙印刷媒体中的媒体声誉。考虑到议程设置的规则和媒体声誉的原则(Capriotti, 2012),进行了内容分析,以确定媒体存在的水平和机构的有利地位。这将有助于评估西班牙媒体如何向西班牙公民介绍欧盟,如何促进公众舆论和看法的形成。由于时间跨度较长,分析分为三个阶段。第一个时期(欣快期)从2000年(欧元实施前两年)到2007年金融危机爆发。第二阶段(危机)始于2008年的全球金融危机,结束于2014年经济开始温和企稳。最后,第三个时期(后危机时期)从2015年到2018年,这段时间见证了制度和欧洲社会重大社会和价值观危机的爆发和发展。获得的一般结果表明,欧盟在西班牙印刷媒体的知名度较低。尽管有准确的新闻报道,但在某些时期和年份,有新闻价值的事件并没有以足够的相关性呈现给读者,使新闻项目或机构获得必要的公众重要性。此外,媒体在西班牙的有利地位可以被认为是稍微不利的,因为新闻有一个整体的负面趋势。这些结果与该机构的表现及其对西班牙公民生活的影响不一致。一种使该机构难以创造有利的公共领域及其必要的社会合法性的公开形象。根据不同的作者(Meyer, 1999和De Vreese, 2003, 2005),结论表明,关于欧盟的新闻未能引起媒体的兴趣,制约了欧盟的知名度和公众认知。无论媒体对欧盟有多感兴趣,当涉及到公民对欧盟的了解程度时,媒体所扮演的战略和沟通角色都是不可忽视的。欧洲各机构之间的身心距离,以及它们的法律、政治和结构性质,使媒体机构处于中介的地位。因此,作为拥有自己声音的行动者,媒体被配置为意见、文化、身份和政治观念的塑造者。在他们的专业惯例中,媒体公司构建了确定的叙事,这些叙事直接——作为唯一的现实——与公民的感知有关(McCombs and Shaw, 1972;肖,1979)。由于大多数西班牙公民缺乏直接的经验,欧盟与公民的沟通和互动就落在了媒体的财务和意识形态利润手中。沟通环境可能会使该机构的公共相关性、可信度和可信赖性面临风险,从而导致欧盟和西班牙公民之间的情感距离。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
La reputación mediática de la Unión Europea en la prensa española (2000-2018)
This paper belongs to the field of communication in the public institution sector. It aims to study the European Union’s media reputation in the leading Spanish outlets in the 2000-2018 period. As the institution has continued to acquire competencies and regulate the activity of Member States, the EU’s communication with its citizens has represented a source of debate inside and outside the institution. In multiple areas of communication, there is a need to bring this supra-institution closer to citizens through more effective communicative policies. The general aim of this paper is to know the EU’s media reputation in Spanish printed press between the years 2000 and 2018. Taking into account the precepts of agenda setting and the principles of media reputation (Capriotti, 2012), a content analysis is carried out to determine the level of media presence and favourability of the institution. This will make it possible to evaluate how the Spanish media present the EU to Spanish citizens, contributing to the formation of public opinion and perception. Due to its long time span, the analysis has been divided into three periods. The first period (Euphoria) goes from 2000 (two years before the implementation of the euro) to the outbreak of the financial crisis in 2007. The second period (Crisis) begins with the global financial crisis of 2008 and ends with the timid beginnings of economic stabilisation in 2014. Finally, the third period (Post-crisis) spans the interval from 2015 to 2018, which sees the eruption and progression of a major social and values crisis in the institution and European society. The general results obtained show that the EU has low visibility in Spanish printed press. In spite of accurate news coverage, in certain periods and years, newsworthy events are not presented to the reader with enough relevance for the news item or institution to gain the notoriety required to be publicly important. In addition, the media favourability in Spain can be considered slightly unfavourable, since the news has an overall negative trend. These results are not consistent with the performance of the institution and the impact it has on the lives of Spanish citizens. A published image that makes it difficult for the institution to create a favourable public sphere and its necessary social legitimacy. According to different authors (Meyer, 1999 and De Vreese, 2003, 2005), the conclusions show that news on the EU fails to interest media outlets, conditioning the EU's visibility and public perception. Regardless of how interested the media may be in the EU, the strategic and communicative role this media plays, when it comes to the level of knowledge that the citizens have about the EU, cannot be ignored. The physical and mental distance of European institutions, as well as their legal, political and structural nature, put media outlets in the position of intermediaries. Thus, the media, as an actor with a voice of its own, is configured as a shaper of opinion, culture, identity and political ideas. In their professional routines, media companies construct determined narratives which bear directly —as the only reality— on citizens’ perception (McCombs and Shaw, 1972; Shaw, 1979). With the majority of Spanish citizens lacking direct experience, the EU’s communication and interaction with the citizens is left in the hands of the media’s financial and ideological profitability. A communicative context which potentially puts the institution’s public relevance, credibility and trustworthiness at risk and, thus, a situation which fosters emotional distance between the EU and Spanish citizens.
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