以援助救火:发展援助作为反保险工具——以哥伦比亚为例

Edgar H. Sanchez-Cuevas
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引用次数: 0

摘要

我研究了2009年至2013年期间,由美国国际开发署(USAID)实施的外援换发展援助对哥伦比亚市级武装冲突强度的因果效应。为了解决潜在的内生性偏差,我使用了一个类似bartik的工具,利用美国国际开发署在哥伦比亚的援助的空间持久性。具体来说,我用美国GDP和根除疟疾运动(大约1957年)的市级治疗意向指标之间的相互作用来衡量外援。研究结果指出,外国援助减少了与左翼游击队有关的叛乱活动,尤其是哥伦比亚革命武装力量。然而,外国援助并没有影响与右翼准军事组织(BACRIM)犯罪团伙有关的暴力。我提供了定量和轶事证据来说明我的研究结果背后的两种潜在机制:(I)发展计划提高了战斗的机会成本;(二)外援提高了民间与政府之间的信任和信息流动。最后,我提供了经验证据,对两种不同的渠道提出质疑,这两种渠道的预测与结果不一致:(I)外国援助增加了叛乱分子可能掠夺的租金;(ii)发展项目增加了叛乱分子为破坏和重建议价能力而实施的有针对性的暗杀。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Fighting Fire with Aid: Development Assistance as Counterinsurency Tool - Evidence for Colombia
I study the causal effect of the foreign aid for development assistance —implemented by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)— on the intensity of municipality-level armed conflict in Colombia, for the period 2009-2013. To address potential endogeneity biases, I use a Bartik-like instrument which exploits the spatial persistence of aid from USAID in Colombia. Specifically, I instrument foreign aid with the interaction between the United States GDP and municipality-level intent-to-treat indicators for the Malaria Eradication Campaigns (circa 1957). The results point out that foreign aid reduces the insurgency associated with left-wing guerrillas, especially FARC. However, foreign aid does not affect the violence associated with criminal gangs from right-wing paramilitary origins (BACRIM). I provide both quantitative and anecdotic evidence on two potential mechanisms behind my results: (i) Development programs raise the opportunity cost of fighting and; (ii) foreign aid improves the trust, and the information flows between civilians and the government. Finally, I provide empirical evidence that casts doubt on two alternative channels whose predictions cannot be reconciled with the results: (i) that foreign aid increases the potentially- looted rents by the insurgents and; (ii) that development programs rise targeted assassinations committed by insurgents to sabotage and reestablish bargaining power.
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