团结的逻辑和界限,1850 - 1920

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引用次数: 0

摘要

很少有职业群体能比那些在“岸边”装卸船只的工人更能说明美国工人阶级意识的不平衡,以及种族冲突和迁就的复杂性。码头工人是典型的无产阶级。他们用自己的双手工作,形成了一种肌肉发达的职场文化,并植根于融合了阶级、民族和种族身份的密集的公共网络。他们早在19世纪40年代就组织了工会,并参与罢工,使大城市的经济生活陷入瘫痪。他们既狭隘又世界主义——反映了他们社区相对独立的习俗,但又通过他们的工作与更广阔的商业和文化世界联系在一起,他们的忠诚强烈地局限于当地,但愿意向共产党人、工团主义者和其他资本主义批评者求助。在19世纪,来自爱尔兰和德国的移民在码头上与北方的自由黑人和南方的奴隶竞争就业机会。20世纪初,来自南欧和东欧的新移民大量进入劳动力市场,改变了滨水区的面貌。四面楚歌的爱尔兰人成功地保住了几个主要的飞地。黑人在一些城市被赶出码头,但在另一些城市却占主导地位。墨西哥人逐渐在德克萨斯州墨西哥湾沿岸和繁荣的洛杉矶港口为自己创造了一个利基市场。与“黝黑”的意大利人一起,他们创造了一个庞大的中间阶层,既不是“黑人”,也不是“白人”,这使种族问题复杂化了。在组织工会和对工作环境进行控制的过程中,码头工人不断地遇到种族和民族问题。谁有资格成为自己的同事?只是亲戚、邻居和同乡吗?或者是任何一个身强力壮的求职者加入了“奴隶市场”的求职者队伍,在那里码头工人每天都在争夺工作?这些问题没有单一的答案
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Logic and Limits of Solidarity, 1850s–1920s
FEW OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS better illustrate the unevenness of working-class consciousness and the complexities of ethnic and racial conflict and accommodation in the United States than the men who labored “along shore,” loading and unloading ships. The longshoremen were classically proletarian. They worked with their hands, developed a muscular workplace culture, and were rooted in dense communal networks that merged class, ethnic, and racial identities. They organized unions as early as the 1840s and engaged in strikes that paralyzed the economic life of major metropolitan areas. They were at once insular and cosmopolitan—reflecting the relatively self-contained mores of their neighborhoods and yet linked by their work to a wider world of commerce and culture, intensely local in their allegiances but willing to turn for leadership to Communists, syndicalists, and other critics of capitalism. In the nineteenth century, immigrants from Ireland and Germany competed for employment on the docks with northern free blacks and southern slaves. In the early twentieth century, new immigrants from southern and eastern Europe entered the labor market in large numbers and changed the face of the waterfront. The embattled Irish succeeded in maintaining several major enclaves. Blacks were driven from the docks in some cities but predominated in others. Mexicans gradually created a niche for themselves on the Texas Gulf Coast and in the booming port of Los Angeles. Along with “swarthy” Italians, they complicated the question of race by creating a sizable intermediate stratum of people who were not “black” but not yet “white” either. In organizing unions and exercising some control of their work environment, longshoremen continually came up against questions of race and ethnicity. Who qualified as one’s fellow worker? Was it only kin, neighbor, and countryman? Or was it any able-bodied candidate who joined the ranks of job seekers at the “slave markets” where dockworkers vied for employment each day? There was no single answer to these
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