穆斯林“狂热”是一个模棱两可的比喻

Zak Leonard
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引用次数: 2

摘要

本章关注的是“穆斯林狂热”现象,这是一种对政府安全的无形威胁,在整个19世纪抵制了殖民主义的审查。随着与边境部落、瓦哈比阴谋者和全球穆斯林“复兴”力量的紧张关系加剧,狂热演变成一种浮动的能指,一种可扩展的结构,可以为不同的辩论议程服务。边疆民族学家和印度改革家以各种方式将穆斯林的宗教信仰概念化,以支持他们自己对本土“政治”活力的评论。像Mountstuart Elphinstone这样的早期观察家从性别角度代表印度社区,并淡化宗教热情对社会进步的影响。然而,后来的民族学家援引狂热来为殖民地的“前进政策”辩护,或者反过来,将穆斯林的不满归咎于国家构思拙劣、西方化的立法。与此同时,呼吁保留王公统治的改革者引用狂热主义来捍卫南印度和孟加拉的穆斯林名人的利益。他们认为,这些忠诚的领导人可以帮助为当地社会提供公民成长的有机轨迹,并在狂热的余烬被点燃时扑灭它们。由于俄罗斯的扩张主义和东方问题的死灰复燃,将这种对本土主权的主张扩展到阿富汗边境最终证明是有争议的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Muslim ‘Fanaticism’ as Ambiguous Trope
This chapter is concerned with the phenomenon of "Muslim fanaticism", an amorphous threat to governmental security that resisted colonial scrutiny throughout the nineteenth century. As tensions with borderland tribes, Wahhabi conspirators, and the forces of a global Muslim "revival" mounted, fanaticism evolved into a floating signifier, a malleable construct that could service divergent polemical agendas. Borderland ethnographers and India reformers conceptualized Muslim religiosity in various ways to support their own commentaries on native "political" vitality. Earlier observers like Mountstuart Elphinstone represented Indian communities in gendered terms and downplayed the influence of religious enthusiasm on societal progress. Later ethnographers, however, invoked fanaticism to justify a colonial "Forward Policy", or conversely, attributed Muslim discontent to the state's poorly conceived, westernizing legislation. Meanwhile, reformers who were calling for the retention of princely rule referenced fanaticism to defend the interests of Muslim notables in South India and Bengal. These loyalist leaders, they argued, could help provide native society with an organic trajectory of civic growth and douse the embers of fanaticism whenever they became enflamed. Extending this advocacy of native sovereignty to the Afghan frontier ultimately proved contentious on account of Russian expansionism and the resurgence of the Eastern Question.
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